Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
Between 1990 and 2010, approximately during the democratic governments of president Cardoso and Lula, Brazil witnessed a strong improvement in economic development. During this period, poverty...Show moreBetween 1990 and 2010, approximately during the democratic governments of president Cardoso and Lula, Brazil witnessed a strong improvement in economic development. During this period, poverty rates had fallen in astonishing numbers, while inequality levels declined significantly. This thesis investigates to what extent the neoliberal economic policies implemented by Cardoso, and the neo-structural economic reforms instituted by Lula, resulted in the economic development that Brazil experienced during the said period. The main hypothesis of the thesis is that both economic models have been complementary in facilitating economic development in Brazil. The first chapter of the thesis concerns itself with defining the most important concepts and terminology related to the topic under investigation, such as ‘economic development’, ‘neoliberalism’ and ‘neo-structuralism’. Then in the second chapter, the paper will deal with the historic context of the economic problems Brazil faced before the economic development, and how Cardoso and Lula sought to deal with these problems. Finally, using social and economic indicators relevant to economic development, a comparative analysis will be made between the influence that Cardoso’s neoliberal economic policies, and the influence that Lula’s neo-structural economic reforms had on the long term economic development of Brazil. The thesis concludes by stating that the comparative analysis has demonstrated that the two economic models, neoliberalism and neo-structuralism respectively, were indeed complementary in achieving Brazil’s long term economic development. The relevance of this research to the wider academic debate is that it has provided some insight into the extent to which neoliberalism and neo-structuralism can be complementary in the facilitation of economic development for countries still in the early stages of development.Show less
The thesis aims to illustrate how Food Aid, Free Trade Agreements, and Agricultural Dumping are closely related. By drawing the relation between these three seemingly separate issues, a divergent...Show moreThe thesis aims to illustrate how Food Aid, Free Trade Agreements, and Agricultural Dumping are closely related. By drawing the relation between these three seemingly separate issues, a divergent perspective upon the global trading system is exposed. The thesis reaches its outcome by using both macro and micro analyses. Where macro analyses allows the debate to have a more theoretical nature, the micro analyses of the case study on Agricultural Dumping in Mozambique shows a more practical side of the debate. By the use of these two analytical tools, the thesis illustrates how Agricultural Dumping is a negative effect of Food Aid, enabled through Free Trade Agreements. As open market policies and low domestic protection are part of these agreements, local agricultural markets in sub- Saharan Africa become unable to compete with subsidised imported agricultural goods. Hence, the three issues all contribute to an unequal market system that, in certain situations, provides advantages for the donor country and leaves the receiving country at a disadvantage.Show less
Venezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in...Show moreVenezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in Venezuela also one of the highest of Latin America. In this thesis the level of influence of corruption on the resource curse will be assessed, specifically looking at the case study of Venezuela during the Bolivarian Revolution of Hugo Chávez. First, a theoretical framework is created in order to understand the relation between corruption and the resource curse. Second, a contextualization is provided through analyzing the Punto Fijo Pact which preceded the Hugo Chávez government. In this chapter increasing dissatisfaction of the Venezuelan population is shown, which together with the Caracazo massacre, created a platform for Hugo Chávez to gain power and popularity. In the third chapter, the theoretical framework will be applied to Chávez’s Venezuela and its consequences. Whereas the theoretical framework suggests that the resource curse is strengthened by corruption and thus will prevent a country with an abundant resource from developing, the case of Venezuela appears to be have proved the contrary. After analyzing the resource curse in Venezuela it shows that even though an abundant resource is present and corruption is still increasing, the oil revenues have allowed Hugo Chávez to fund several new socioeconomic programs which largely have benefitted the Venezuelan development.Show less
This thesis will thoroughly analyze the development of the Mexican economy since its market reform to see whether these reforms have led to the expected growth rates in exports, and – more...Show moreThis thesis will thoroughly analyze the development of the Mexican economy since its market reform to see whether these reforms have led to the expected growth rates in exports, and – more importantly - whether this export growth has translated into better living conditions, as neoclassical theory suggests it would. By testing the premises of neoclassical theory, this thesis explores whether a developing country integrating into the global economy might need different policies than those countries that have already established a strong position in the world market. This, in turn, could reveal the underlying structures that hinder Latin American countries – Mexico, in particular – to achieve long-term, stable growth rates in a neoliberal international order.Show less
Dictated by economic traits of progress via free trade agreements and profit-driven capitalism, the global paradigm of Neoliberalism has become the dominant framework of economic development in...Show moreDictated by economic traits of progress via free trade agreements and profit-driven capitalism, the global paradigm of Neoliberalism has become the dominant framework of economic development in Latin America since the 90s (Hojman 194). Neoliberalism is a revival of economic liberalism in which government intervention is disapproved within economic sectors, and free and self-regulating competitive markets and the development of capitalist societies are promoted (Thorsen and Lie 2). Introduced in 1989, The Washington Consensus is seen as the template for Latin America’s engagement with neoliberalism. It is as well, an indication of the vast expansion of the ‘USA model’ of economic progress by powerful international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (Grugel and Riggirozzi 4). The neoliberal model was implemented via free market open economy policies (FMOEP), guided by the objective of economic decentralisation. Conditions for private profitability were established, cutting back the central role of the state within the economic sectors (Geddes 3151). Within the agricultural sphere, Neoliberalism aims for a system in which the control in agricultural production and resources happens via private corporations via profit-driven interests. This contrasts with the prior agricultural model of Keynesian economics, in which state power dominates within the agricultural sector, via the control and active role in the production process (Miyake 380). The spread of neoliberal agrarian reforms in Latin America promoted the framework of international trade and free trade, leading to the birth of the Global Farm Model within Latin America. Following the ideology of Neoliberalism, trade embargoes are portrayed as a restrictive factor on economic progress within the agricultural sector of a country (Betancourt 175). Within the context of Neoliberal expansion, Cuba is an unique exception within the region of Latin America, as it followed an alternative path to agricultural development, away from a neoliberal agricultural model. For more than 50 years, the United States (US) has imposed an economic, commercial, and social embargo against Cuba. This makes Cuba an interesting case study, in the broader context of Latin America and the dominance of Neoliberalism. Within the current ideology of agricultural development, climate change, and environmental degradation, the issue of sustainability has gained momentum in the agricultural sector. Looking through the lens of sustainable agricultural development, this brings the paper to the following research question: What are the economic, social, and environmental impacts of Neoliberalism versus Cuban-style policies on sustainable agricultural systems?Show less
This thesis examines the crisis policies of the ‘troika’ institutions to Greece in the context of the Eurozone crisis. The neoliberal policies of fiscal austerity and internal devaluation...Show moreThis thesis examines the crisis policies of the ‘troika’ institutions to Greece in the context of the Eurozone crisis. The neoliberal policies of fiscal austerity and internal devaluation prescribed by the troika had a strong contractionary impact which resulted in a prolonged recession of the Greek economy. For this reason, the research question of this study is to what extent the IMF, the EC and the ECB have been questioning the appropriateness of the prescribed crisis policies to Greece. Building on neo-Gramscian theory, the causal mechanism claims that the hegemony of neoliberalism within the troika institutions conditions a specific diagnosis of the Eurozone crisis and hence a specific set of policy responses. Analysing the positions on central dimensions of neoliberalism with regard to financial crises, a striking persistence of neoliberal policies is observed. In light of neo-Gramscian theory, this observation suggests that the first grand systemic crisis of the 21st century has not seen the rise of a challenging counter-hegemonic ideology. It also suggests that the transmittance of ideological change from global to regional economic governance is not necessarily instant. It is thus fundamental to advocate strong alternatives to neoliberalism which could bring the long reign of neoliberalism and international finance to an end.Show less
Extractive industry in Peru is accompanied by significant challenges when it comes to public policy. This research provides an understanding of the problematics of the extractive industry with...Show moreExtractive industry in Peru is accompanied by significant challenges when it comes to public policy. This research provides an understanding of the problematics of the extractive industry with regards to social and environmental interests and priorities to be set for public policy in general. My research question is: To what extend does Peru’s public policy determine the ability to create sustainable development in the mining industry? I will answer this question through means of the following sub questions: ‘How did public policy develop throughout the 80s and 90s in Peru?’ and ‘What has been the impact of public policy on the mining industry, the environment and local communities?’.Show less
The thesis is concerned with the topic of democratic consolidation in Guatemala. The country became a formal democracy in the 1980s, but since that moment it has started an ongoing process of...Show moreThe thesis is concerned with the topic of democratic consolidation in Guatemala. The country became a formal democracy in the 1980s, but since that moment it has started an ongoing process of democratic consolidation. Within the same time period we see the emergence of neoliberalism in the region. Neoliberalism focused on the opening up of markets to international trade and included the introduction of many free trade agreements such as CAFTA-DR. While CAFTA-DR had as primary objective to facilitate trade, there were also political objectives attached to it that revolved around promoting democracy in the region. The aim of the thesis is to research how CAFTA-DR promoted democracy and to what extent it contributed to the strengthening of democratic institutions in Guatemala. The thesis identifies three main ways through which CAFTA-DR influences democratic consolidation. The agreement aims at increasing institutional transparency, strengthening the rule of law and enhancing accountability structures. While there are many elements present in the agreement that help to strengthen democratic institutions, obstacles are present that can significantly limit the effect of the agreement.Show less
