Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
Research master thesis | Arts and Culture (research) (MA)
open access
Neoliberalism has altered the way in which the subject consumes and subsequently reflects upon media. A popular media genre on the internet nowadays is instruction videos, which can be consumed for...Show moreNeoliberalism has altered the way in which the subject consumes and subsequently reflects upon media. A popular media genre on the internet nowadays is instruction videos, which can be consumed for various reasons, but usually rely on the notion of conveying to the viewer a certain set of skills. Since these media are therefore consumed for a specific purpose intended, the viewer already pre-establishes a certain attitude and understanding, and furthermore gains a reflective understanding of this phenomenon itself. This thesis aims to reconsider the notion of spectatorship through a lens of phenomenology, in order to reevaluate the idea of a spectator's own understanding of their experience of a medium, which this thesis names "cognitive spectatorship," and shows how the genre of instruction videos and this new viewing attitude play into the Neoliberal ideology.Show less
This thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from the Federal Government’s yearly reports on its policy on exports of conventional military equipment and applying the International Relations Theories of Neorealism and Neoliberalism, it highlights the inseparability of arms export policy frameworks and foreign and security policy interests in the case of Germany. Furthermore, this thesis calls attention to the hierarchical structure that exists within this inseparability where the country’s arms export policy framework is given a secondary role to its foreign and security interests.Show less
Neuroscience has since its institutionalization in the 19th century directed its scientific promise of the discovery of the relationship between the brain and mind and with it the explanation of...Show moreNeuroscience has since its institutionalization in the 19th century directed its scientific promise of the discovery of the relationship between the brain and mind and with it the explanation of mental illnesses and disorders to range of political actors. Where neuroscientists in the first decades after the Second World War failed to claim a position of scientific expertise, by the late 1980s the social and political context had changed in their favor with the rise of Neoliberal governance. During the 1990s Decade of the Brain, neuroscience’s promise of the ‘cure for mental illness’ was turned into a national project, first by the Bush administration in the United States and then followed up by nations around the globe. Neuroscientific reductionist explanations of mental illness were so successful because they aimed at and resembled neoliberal discourses on individual responsibility and the inability of governmental interference in the social environment. Where neuroscientists and governmental officials in the first years of the Decade mentioned social factors as causes for mental illness and disorders, by the beginning of the 21th century mental illness had become a ‘no-fault brain illness’, a neurobiological phenomenon without external causes and therefore also solutions. The consequences of this alliance between neuroscience and neoliberalism have been topic of many critical studies in the past decade, yet the Decade of the Brain until now have almost completely been ignored. This master thesis is the first step towards an understanding of the interplay between the local and global dimensions of this Decade and thereby also a step towards understanding the way mental health issues are seen and treated in the present. This understanding at the same time is meant to open up the possibility to imagine much needed change in the future.Show less
Corruption as a systemic phenomenon is usually attributed to developing states and their weak institutional capacity to impose rule of law. However, unlike the predominant view which isolates state...Show moreCorruption as a systemic phenomenon is usually attributed to developing states and their weak institutional capacity to impose rule of law. However, unlike the predominant view which isolates state affairs to a national domain, alternative view states that when countries are becoming more financially and economically interdependent, they are inevitably faced with transnational issues which infuse their domestic sphere. This thesis continues to research corruption in a global context and particularly studies how neoliberal, i.e. pro-market and de-regulation norms and policies which dominated certain advanced economies’ spheres for the past decades, affect their institutional capacity to impose rule of law to control foreign corruption. A case study between Germany and the United States is conducted to test this theory and finds that the neoliberal policies and norms contribute to these countries’ struggle to impose adequate control even when corruption directly affects their domestic spheres. Yet, due to their institutional differences, their capabilities diverge in an interesting fashion.Show less
Studies have been carried out that explore the effect of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda but there has been a lack of focus of its effect on the working conditions of women working informally. Through...Show moreStudies have been carried out that explore the effect of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda but there has been a lack of focus of its effect on the working conditions of women working informally. Through carrying out a qualitative content analysis of key documents, the normative function of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda within the context of informal domestic workers in India between 2008 and 2018 was analysed. This provided a nuanced and in-depth understanding of the ILO's role in the development of women who work outside of the purview of the rule of law and are also often marginalised on the basis of social constructs such as class, caste, religion and gender. While the ILO's Decent Work Agenda has resulted in the limited improvement of the lives of Indian women working in the informal economy the organisation ability to drive change has been curbed by its inability to enforce international law, and the neoliberal global political economy.Show less
There has been research on the phenomenon of ‘huachicol’, but it has not yet been analysed in direct relation with neoliberalism and the neoliberalization of Mexico. Assessing the crime and...Show moreThere has been research on the phenomenon of ‘huachicol’, but it has not yet been analysed in direct relation with neoliberalism and the neoliberalization of Mexico. Assessing the crime and violence in Mexico in relation to the theory of neoliberalism will add to the theoretical and societal knowledge on the socio-economic, political and security problems that such phenomena bring about. The guiding research question of this thesis is as follows: What does the case of Huachicoleros allow us to understand on the alleged connection between the violence and criminal activity in Mexico and its longstanding neoliberal economic policies (2000-2019)?Show less
Some serious concerns regarding the growing role of higher education in the world-wide knowledge economy are that the neoliberalization of higher education is undermining higher education’s...Show moreSome serious concerns regarding the growing role of higher education in the world-wide knowledge economy are that the neoliberalization of higher education is undermining higher education’s contributions to the public good. This role of higher education historically has been seen as fostering economic development of nations and the provision of opportunities for individuals to promoting and harmonizing cultural diversity, political democracy, and economic trade. Critics allege higher education institutions worldwide, but especially in Latin America have become or are becoming handmaidens of neoliberal institutions, including neoliberal states and such global institutions as the world bank or the OECD (Rose 2003, 67-68). Is this true? If neoliberalization of higher education is indeed happening, do neoliberal reforms promote more inclusive higher education responsive to labor market needs? By addressing this research question, we can have a better understanding of the dynamics of higher education and their position within society. This might give more insight on a regional level of how these dynamics function, but it could also be an insight into the comparison with other developing regions.Show less
The central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In...Show moreThe central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In order to narrow the scope of this very broad question, I will attempt to answer it by focusing specifically on PMSC activity during anti-piracy actions. The arguments in this thesis will show how the ambiguous nature of the current legal framework has caused a lack of democratic responsibility in anti-piracy action. This has led to a situation of increased violence and human rights violation as economic incentives have been allowed to precede social incentives. To increase democratic responsibility in PMSC’s, I propose that Dutch policy should focus on the creation of corporate social responsibility within the companies that are allowed to operate on board ships passing through high risk areas. It is important however, to be aware of the internal contradictions that face CSR-theory and focus on the possibility of omitting these obstacles in the unique context in which the Law for the Protection of Dutch Merchant Ships will be implemented.Show less
This thesis explores urban dynamics in Morocco. Specifically, it examines whether the geographies of urban population displacement and poverty concentration in Casablanca have changed due to slum...Show moreThis thesis explores urban dynamics in Morocco. Specifically, it examines whether the geographies of urban population displacement and poverty concentration in Casablanca have changed due to slum eradication since the implementation of the Cities Without Slums Programme in 2004, and if so, how. Moreover, it explores the different political and socioeconomic consequences of this displacement for slum-dwellers. My contribution to the field is an exhaustive search of displacement patterns throughout the Casablanca prefecture and the creation of a dichotomy of soft vs. hard displacement, which differentiates extents of displacement in the region. The theoretical framework that guides the research is a combination of Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space and an analysis of the neoliberal forces at work. This is done through an analysis of Moroccan news media and official policy documents published by different Moroccan state departments that discuss operations of resettlement and rehousing. The research concludes that slum dwellers have indeed been displaced from different areas of Casablanca since the launch of the programme. In some cases, they have been displaced to the periphery, this is to say, to the different provinces and prefectures adjacent to Casablanca. However, in other cases, displacement has taken place within the same area. These different degrees of displacement have had ambiguous political and socioeconomic effects on the affected populations.Show less
Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
The growth of the technological start-up sector in Israel was vital in the economic growth of the country. While Israel had previously been a statist political economy through an intense state...Show moreThe growth of the technological start-up sector in Israel was vital in the economic growth of the country. While Israel had previously been a statist political economy through an intense state involvement in its business sectors, an adoption of neoliberalism by the state and its institutions enabled the growth of venture capital investments for start-ups. In taking an analytical perspective on the growth of Israel’s start-ups and how such growth was achieved through the utilisation of neoliberalism as a tool, this paper will argue that neoliberalism and it’s utilisations enabled the growth of start-ups in Israel, shifting the country to have possession of the most start-ups per capita.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
The exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in...Show moreThe exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in the market are often much lower than those of men, especially in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Women face socio-cultural barriers that restrict their individual freedoms in several areas, for instance their access to education and the (global) market. Their subordinated role towards men is established in various aspects of life: society, economy and politics. At the same time, MENA countries are facing challenges imposed by high youth unemployment and the need to catch up with the global economic progress to stay competitive. Diversification of the economy is one of the main goals in order to keep up with the global economic developments. Diversification means also including more women into the labour market since they often approach challenges of the market different than men.Neoliberal reforms intend to increase the competitiveness of a market by making it accessible for everyone. The claim that I want to investigate is that neoliberalism impacts on the (economic) opportunities of women within the socio-cultural context of their countries. In other words, how do neoliberal reforms impact on female entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa?Show less
This thesis offers a reflection on Brazilian south-south relations with African lusophones countries, more specifically Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Guinea Bissau. It looks for the...Show moreThis thesis offers a reflection on Brazilian south-south relations with African lusophones countries, more specifically Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Guinea Bissau. It looks for the theoretical frame in which these relations are enshrined. The reflection is built around the notion institutional liberalism.Show less
This paper has primarily attempted to determine whether neoliberal economic policy is making a return to Brazil, and secondarily what the most likely explanation for this could be. The elections of...Show moreThis paper has primarily attempted to determine whether neoliberal economic policy is making a return to Brazil, and secondarily what the most likely explanation for this could be. The elections of October 2018 provided the context to perform an analysis on this subject: the two candidates competing in the second round of elections, Jair Bolsonaro and Fernando Haddad and their visions on economic policy for Brazil have been analyzed through the method of content analysis. The programas de governo or governing programs of both candidates has served as the main subject of the study. Additionally articles in journals and interviews have been taken into consideration. Neoliberal economic policy in this paper is defined as a specific set of economic policies associated with the Washington Consensus. Although the Washington Consensus contains a total of ten advised economic reforms, the analysis in this paper will focus on specifically three, namely privatization, trade liberalization and austerity. This will be followed by a demonstration of a ‘retreat’ of neoliberal economic policy worldwide at the hand of the trade policies of the Trump administration in the United States and the change of direction made by International Financial Institutions. Thirdly, the political situation of the last years in Brazil will be described in order to provide the reader with the necessary context for the analysis. Fourthly, the turn to neoliberal economic policy under the current Temer administration will be demonstrated to establish that neoliberalism has returned to Brazil, albeit in the form of a government with near to no public support: favorable views of the (neoliberal) reforms among the candidates under study would be a strong indication a continuation of this policy under a new president is likely. This has been researched through the programas de governo, articles and interviews. Lastly, two possible explanations have been considered. The paper will conclude that it is indeed likely that Brazil, now with a candidate enjoying significant public support, will continue on the path of neoliberal economic policy. This return to neoliberal economic policy will be concluded to be due to a form of crisis management in Brazil.Show less
