This paper analyzes Mexico’s food consumption patterns and social consequences conditioned by economic changes following the implementation of NAFTA. Market liberalization and foreign investment...Show moreThis paper analyzes Mexico’s food consumption patterns and social consequences conditioned by economic changes following the implementation of NAFTA. Market liberalization and foreign investment have proven to negatively impact public health in Mexico which experiences a steep increase of obesity prevalence and non-communicable diseases. This paper is able to trace the complex relationship between trade, health policy and the nutrition transition.Show less
Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
This thesis deals with the current inequality levels present in Chile and how these are highly reflected in the education system. In-depth research has been conducted on how the implementation of...Show moreThis thesis deals with the current inequality levels present in Chile and how these are highly reflected in the education system. In-depth research has been conducted on how the implementation of the neoliberal economic model has created segregation in education. The higher level of education has been used as a case study in order to illustrate the levels of inequality and social discontent present in Chile. Finally, in order to gain better knowledge and overview of the reluctance towards this neoliberal system in education, two student revolutions (2006 and 2011) are taken into analysis. These manifestations have risen due to the unequal access and opportunities in higher education and is seen as a symptom of this. Although Chile has the healthiest economy in the region of Latin America, it is also the country that presents one of the highest levels of inequality in the world, making it an ideal country to analyse. Since the implementation of the economic neoliberal model in 1973, Chile has performed with great economic growth. It has even been labelled as the “Economic Miracle”. Nevertheless, the neoliberal model has had various consequences, which are analysed throughout this paper. Moreover, the economic model in education is put into question as it is benefiting mainly students from higher class families and putting into financial burden those from lower social classes.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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China is growing as an international competitor with its gaze directed toward Africa. Chinese state-owned Multinational Corporations (MNCs) gradually gaining a foothold in African countries raise...Show moreChina is growing as an international competitor with its gaze directed toward Africa. Chinese state-owned Multinational Corporations (MNCs) gradually gaining a foothold in African countries raise worries for other investors like the West. The impacts of Chinese MNCs on the international capitalist market are researched in debt but I will connect this to the study of power relations. Not only will this give insights into the local employees as active subjects that are engaged in various relationships of power, but it will also highlight how macro and micro-level actors mutually influence each other. Eventually, I will argue that these power relations are unequal and used by actors to preserve relations of power. Central to this thesis is a discussion of power as a dynamic and socially constructed relationship that can be used to preserve structures of power. This approach toward power follows Foucault in his understanding and goes against the idea of power as a possession. Power relations become visible in Chinese Multinational Corporations (MNCs) expanding overseas to Africa which has implications for actors at both the micro and the macro-level. Power relations visualize that all actors are involved in processes of legitimizing themselves and through this process produce and reproduce power relations.Show less
In recent years, China has made international headlines as a result of its poor factory labour conditions. Chinese leaders have observed that this international coverage has reflected poorly on the...Show moreIn recent years, China has made international headlines as a result of its poor factory labour conditions. Chinese leaders have observed that this international coverage has reflected poorly on the country and greatly impacted its image both internationally and domestically. Therefore new strategies to (re)build China's image have utilized CSR in order to gain a certain influence and stability in the national and international sphere.Show less
This thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the...Show moreThis thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the four largest grain traders in the world lobby the Food and Agriculture Organization to promote market-based policies for global food security. I find substantial evidence for four strategies: multi-stakeholder fora, corporate-FAO partnerships, lobbying national governments, and revolving door practices. The four strategies help agribusinesses be involved in decision-making, increase their market and structural power, and promote the private sector as a legitimate and essential actor in the regime’s governance. The findings fit within a neo-Gramscian framework and can be interpreted as strategies used by the transnational capitalist class to support the transnationalization of social relations of production and the promotion of the neoliberal world order.Show less
The central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In...Show moreThe central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In order to narrow the scope of this very broad question, I will attempt to answer it by focusing specifically on PMSC activity during anti-piracy actions. The arguments in this thesis will show how the ambiguous nature of the current legal framework has caused a lack of democratic responsibility in anti-piracy action. This has led to a situation of increased violence and human rights violation as economic incentives have been allowed to precede social incentives. To increase democratic responsibility in PMSC’s, I propose that Dutch policy should focus on the creation of corporate social responsibility within the companies that are allowed to operate on board ships passing through high risk areas. It is important however, to be aware of the internal contradictions that face CSR-theory and focus on the possibility of omitting these obstacles in the unique context in which the Law for the Protection of Dutch Merchant Ships will be implemented.Show less
The thesis is concerned with the topic of democratic consolidation in Guatemala. The country became a formal democracy in the 1980s, but since that moment it has started an ongoing process of...Show moreThe thesis is concerned with the topic of democratic consolidation in Guatemala. The country became a formal democracy in the 1980s, but since that moment it has started an ongoing process of democratic consolidation. Within the same time period we see the emergence of neoliberalism in the region. Neoliberalism focused on the opening up of markets to international trade and included the introduction of many free trade agreements such as CAFTA-DR. While CAFTA-DR had as primary objective to facilitate trade, there were also political objectives attached to it that revolved around promoting democracy in the region. The aim of the thesis is to research how CAFTA-DR promoted democracy and to what extent it contributed to the strengthening of democratic institutions in Guatemala. The thesis identifies three main ways through which CAFTA-DR influences democratic consolidation. The agreement aims at increasing institutional transparency, strengthening the rule of law and enhancing accountability structures. While there are many elements present in the agreement that help to strengthen democratic institutions, obstacles are present that can significantly limit the effect of the agreement.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate the possible connection between the precarious socioeconomic situation that dominates the lives of most Chileans and the historically unprecedented magnitude of...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate the possible connection between the precarious socioeconomic situation that dominates the lives of most Chileans and the historically unprecedented magnitude of protests that are currently shaking the country. The main research question will, therefore, take a close look at “How to understand the 2019 Chilean protests as a result of the structural inequalities produced by the radical neoliberal development strategy implemented in the 1980s? In order to make this research more tangible and feasible, the privatization of the social security (pension) system will serve as a case study to analyze the changing tolerance for inequality, as the demand for a pension system reform is one of the key drivers behind the ongoing social upheaval in Chile. The research questions will be answered by using the Hirschman “tunnel hypothesis” created in 1973 to investigate how societies in the early stages of rapid economic development have created a substantial tolerance for initial economic disparities, anticipating a future reduction of said disparities that will include everyone. Should these expectations never be met, considerable social discontent develops, that can result in disaster and turn previous supporters into enemies of the stateShow less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
This thesis aims to explain why the cash reserves of Japanese firms have almost tripled in the years between 2013 and 2019, during a time where neoliberal policy reform should have encouraged...Show moreThis thesis aims to explain why the cash reserves of Japanese firms have almost tripled in the years between 2013 and 2019, during a time where neoliberal policy reform should have encouraged spending excess cash on extra investing. By combining a study of already existing literature on how these policy changes should have affected firms and a case study on how Japanese firms have actually reacted to the reforms, it becomes clear that they did not have the expected results. Investments are down and cash reserves keep going up. With the use of the theory of path dependency, this phenomenon can be explained. Traditional Japanese firms have a tendency to be more conservative and tend to be focussed on long term growth. While the business environment has significantly changed, the structure and institutions of the firms have stayed the same. Easier access to financial capital and lower interest rates have increased profits, but they have not changed the firm’s investment strategies. Instead the new earned profits have been assigned to the cash reserves for later use.Show less
Some serious concerns regarding the growing role of higher education in the world-wide knowledge economy are that the neoliberalization of higher education is undermining higher education’s...Show moreSome serious concerns regarding the growing role of higher education in the world-wide knowledge economy are that the neoliberalization of higher education is undermining higher education’s contributions to the public good. This role of higher education historically has been seen as fostering economic development of nations and the provision of opportunities for individuals to promoting and harmonizing cultural diversity, political democracy, and economic trade. Critics allege higher education institutions worldwide, but especially in Latin America have become or are becoming handmaidens of neoliberal institutions, including neoliberal states and such global institutions as the world bank or the OECD (Rose 2003, 67-68). Is this true? If neoliberalization of higher education is indeed happening, do neoliberal reforms promote more inclusive higher education responsive to labor market needs? By addressing this research question, we can have a better understanding of the dynamics of higher education and their position within society. This might give more insight on a regional level of how these dynamics function, but it could also be an insight into the comparison with other developing regions.Show less
While theoretical literature on Varieties of Capitalism routinely labels Germany as an instance of a coordinated market economy, the apparent inability or unwillingness of the country’s government...Show moreWhile theoretical literature on Varieties of Capitalism routinely labels Germany as an instance of a coordinated market economy, the apparent inability or unwillingness of the country’s government to address deleterious effects and risks of financialisation raises important questions about the character of the country’s economic governance and how and to what extent it may be changing and why. Germany – the centre of Euro-capitalism - has failed to hold its banks accountable for various incidents of questionable behaviour during, before, and after the crisis, also in the context of the Cum-Ex tax scandal and the non-implementation of a financial transaction tax. While attempts at regulating finance have been ineffective in most countries, it nonetheless remains mostly unclear why states fail in the face of increasing inequality and widespread voter discontent with recent developments in German and European capitalism.Show less
Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
