After the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies....Show moreAfter the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies. Research is, however, inconclusive on whether this potential is seized and what this means in practice. Moreover, no research on political accountability in Africa has used social media as a primary source yet. Therefore I have studied the everyday Nigerian political accountability dynamics on social media as participant observer for 75 days. The observations exhibited four important shifts in accountability dynamics on social media away from traditional, offline accountability practices. First, social media has created an incessant and two-directional accountability cycle in which citizens find a unified voice through hashtags and the government replies to accountability demands instantly. Secondly, social media facilitate the traditionally much sought proximity between citizens and their leaders, as a channel for complaining, reassurance and interaction. Third, clientelist accountability dynamics have shifted from only demands for private and club goods, to mostly demands for collective and public goods, despite some deviations. Lastly, social media also allowed for slacktivism, but this did not inhibit the success of one online campaign. These shifts are significant, as they strengthen political accountability and thus democracy, even though the limits of the impact of online accountability and its meaning to the average Nigerian put the democratizing powers of social media in perspective. The observations nevertheless highlight the new opportunities and new dimensions to traditional accountability in Nigeria, and possibly Africa, enabled and channelled by social media.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to investigate how framing through prominent Nigerian newspapers has an effect on Boko Haram’s narrative. More specifically, it utilizes existing content and...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to investigate how framing through prominent Nigerian newspapers has an effect on Boko Haram’s narrative. More specifically, it utilizes existing content and discourse analyses to discover in which ways the two Nigerian newspapers ‘the Punch’ and the ‘Daily Trust’ use framing techniques to shape particular narratives surrounding Boko Haram. In addition, the purpose of this thesis is to offer alternative perspectives on dominant components within the ‘newspaper-narrative’ to allow for a more nuanced and diverse consideration of Boko Haram. Lastly, the results are contextualized by situating them in the broader debate regarding the framing of terrorism. This thesis concludes that the negative consequences of terrorism-framing in relation to Boko Haram are similar to the ones exposed by the global debate. Although the range of these issues is broad, this study concluded two particular consequences to be dominant. Firstly, it limits and negatively influences counter-terrorism options by presenting Boko Haram as a force that can only be dealt with in a violent matter. Secondly, unnuanced and disproportionate representations of Islam in relation to Boko Haram and other Islamic terrorist organizations has led to a significant rise of negative Muslim prejudice.Show less
Questions why Nigeria's counterterrorism and counterinsurgency actions have not been overly successful, particularly in the case of Boko Haram. This is done by comparing their actions against a...Show moreQuestions why Nigeria's counterterrorism and counterinsurgency actions have not been overly successful, particularly in the case of Boko Haram. This is done by comparing their actions against a theoretical framework built on academic literature pertaining to successful counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies.Show less
Over the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all...Show moreOver the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all economic, political and sociocultural backgrounds. Chinese trade with Africa grew during the post-colonial period and continued to rise as African nations gradually develop. Those partnerships remain distinct from others however, since there seems to be added pressure for economic trade to unequivocally benefit the African side when Chinese trade is involved. Indeed, when assessing trade with Africa, critics often tend to emphasize human rights violations and poor working conditions inflicted by Chinese companies, while generally not holding Western companies to the same standard, or at least, not emphasizing the issue as much, when similar instances also involve Western companies. The Chinese trading model will be compared with fairer trade practices practiced today also known as “fair trade”. This thesis will be an attempt at a discussion to understand the standard of Chinese trade model in Africa while also addressing the issues emerging as a result. The fair trade market, as well as other forms of fair trade practices will be assessed to determine the state of trade practices between the two case studies countries: Ethiopia and Nigeria.Show less
In my work, I will be discussing specifically the recent Chinese influence on transportation in Nigeria, mostly through investments in railways. I will present it in a frame of China-Africa...Show moreIn my work, I will be discussing specifically the recent Chinese influence on transportation in Nigeria, mostly through investments in railways. I will present it in a frame of China-Africa relations with the history and specifics of China-Nigeria relations included. To explain the partnership on railway development, it will be essential to present the condition of Nigerian transportation and its struggles. I will also discuss the significance of transportation infrastructure in general. For a better understanding of conclusions, I will also explain the relative and absolute gains theory. As I mentioned, there already are plenty of works discussing different aspects of China-Africa relations. Therefore, I will include the main points emerging from the existing analyses with my comment on it. It is significant for my framework to present the debate on China-Africa relations as it contains general arguments on the advantages and disadvantages of the partnership for Africa. I will address those in my analysis. The literature review will also contain phrases and language used in the public debate that was crucial in shaping the relationship. In the final chapters, the data and the discussion about it will be analysed from the perspective of relative and absolute gains.Show less
This thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works...Show moreThis thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works, helped cause Nigeria and Sri Lanka's debt trap. These factors are then used to evaluate the case of Ethiopia and see to what extend this country runs the same risks. This thesis shows that based on the factors derived from the two scholarly sources, data on Ethiopia shows the presence of these factors, which indicate a risk for a possible future debt trap.Show less
Casa do Fernandez or Ilojo Bar was a National Monument in the heart of Lagos Island, Nigeria. It was built by the returnees who came back from Brazil to Africa, the homeland that the Transatlantic...Show moreCasa do Fernandez or Ilojo Bar was a National Monument in the heart of Lagos Island, Nigeria. It was built by the returnees who came back from Brazil to Africa, the homeland that the Transatlantic Slave Trade had taken their forefathers away from. Although it was a National Monument and should have been protected under Nigerian heritage law, it was illegally demolished on 11 September 2016. How could this prime example of Brazilian-style architecture have been destroyed in broad daylight? This thesis uses Casa do Fernandez as a case study to explore the challenges of preserving built heritage in Nigeria. In the process, it tries to figure out why there is so little knowledge about the history of a building declared a National Monument over sixty years ago. The story of the monument turns out to be different than always assumed. After researching the building’s history, the focus is turned to heritage: the way the present interacts with the past. Could the way Casa do Fernandez has been defined as heritage have something to do with its sad end? The thesis argues that the rigid definition of Casa do Fernandez as strictly Afro-Brazilian heritage detached the site of its cultural meaning to other groups in society and sowed the seeds of the eventual demise of the National Monument. It is a plea for a wider and more inclusive interpretation of this heritage-site in particular and of heritage in general.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-08-01T00:00:00Z
Since the proliferation of democratizing countries in Africa, ethnic conflict has also increased. One of the explanations for this phenomenon is that ethnicity become politicized when democratic...Show moreSince the proliferation of democratizing countries in Africa, ethnic conflict has also increased. One of the explanations for this phenomenon is that ethnicity become politicized when democratic institutions are installed, and ethnic cleavages are widened, creating more conflict. In order to temper conflict and stabilize the democratization process it is sometimes needed to use undemocratic tools, such as party bans. While sometimes banning an ethnic party leads to less conflict, sometimes it also leads to more. This thesis will explain how a party ban will decrease conflict when it is based on old, existing law or regulation and accompanied by other institutional arrangements giving incentives for inter-ethnic cooperation and promote cross-cutting cleavages. Two cases of party bans in Mauritania and two cases in Nigeria are used to explain the mechanism of the causal effect between party ban and conflict level.Show less
Federale begrippen die ontwikkeld zijn in een westerse context zijn moeilijk te gebruiken in de decentraliserende landen in Afrika, in casu Ethiopië en Nigeria, omdat de centrale overheid...Show moreFederale begrippen die ontwikkeld zijn in een westerse context zijn moeilijk te gebruiken in de decentraliserende landen in Afrika, in casu Ethiopië en Nigeria, omdat de centrale overheid noodgedwongen te veel macht heeft.Show less
The conflict between Nigeria and the Boko Haram insurgency has caused a lot of suffering in North-East Nigeria. Additionally, food, water, and refugee crises are created in the region as a result...Show moreThe conflict between Nigeria and the Boko Haram insurgency has caused a lot of suffering in North-East Nigeria. Additionally, food, water, and refugee crises are created in the region as a result of the conflict. Scholars have written about the dynamics of the Boko Haram insurgency and the counterinsurgency operations of the Nigerian forces. From the counterinsurgency point of view much has been written related to the different actors or human rights. The geographical perspective on counterinsurgency has not been touched upon much and this is what will be done in this study. In this study the research question: How can we explain the geostrategy of Nigeria in its conflict with Boko Haram? This will be attempted via a case study analysis on the Nigerian counterinsurgency operations in combination with a focus on the natural resources oil and water. Findings suggest that the presence of these resources allow for a geostrategic explanation of Nigeria in the conflict. Additionally, the study illustrates the influence water could have when combined with a counterinsurgency framework. These findings are relevant in widening of theShow less
This thesis presents the results of an (official) six-month period of fieldwork research among two different groups in two countries: undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands and Nigerians that...Show moreThis thesis presents the results of an (official) six-month period of fieldwork research among two different groups in two countries: undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands and Nigerians that have returned to Nigeria after they had been undocumented in the Netherlands.The thesis presents three main topics: policies towards returns in the Netherlands and how these policies are implemented on the ground in Nigeria; the lives of undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands; and the lives of those that have returned to Nigeria. How do undocumented Nigerians themselves perceive returning? The thesis presents different aspects related to their perceptions, their lives, strategies, constraints and fears. And how do those that have returned perceived their return? Accounts of their lives after return reveal the constraints, exclusion, shame and stigma that can shape their new lives.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
In 1990, the first ECOMOG operation was launched with the mandate to return peace and stability to Liberia and more generally the West African region. This operation was largely funded and...Show moreIn 1990, the first ECOMOG operation was launched with the mandate to return peace and stability to Liberia and more generally the West African region. This operation was largely funded and initiated by Nigeria, the great power of the region. This thesis seeks to establish whether Nigeria’s intentions were hegemonic, meaning that it was seeking to be recognised as a ruler and assert itself as one. It therefore draws not only from secondary literature regarding the formation of ECOMOG itself, but also from the country’s foreign policy at the time. It finds that the operation not only contains elements showing Nigeria’s assertion of power in the region, but also others which suggest that it was searching for consent from the region as a whole. Consequently, it falls in the middle of a continuum with leadership at one end, empire at another, and hegemony in the middle. The thesis thus concludes that Nigeria did, in fact, have hegemonic ambitions in spearheading the formation of ECOMOG.Show less
