While the OPCW has worked successfully since 1997 to end chemical warfare, this is not the case when looking at Syria. The organization made efforts like disarming the country from chemicals, but...Show moreWhile the OPCW has worked successfully since 1997 to end chemical warfare, this is not the case when looking at Syria. The organization made efforts like disarming the country from chemicals, but when this step fell short, the organization was unable to thoroughly analyze and make decisions about the attacks that followed. Although it had the resources to find more information and take actions like recommending collective measures or sanctioning Syria with the help of the UN, the OPCW still failed. It is alleged that some works of the OPCW were perceived as a threat to the national interests of Russia and the United States. As a result, these countries attempted to control the OPCW, which led to this failure. To prove this, this thesis answers the following research question: How did the United States and Russia attempt to control the OPCW’s work on the Syrian case from 2013 to 2021 to safeguard their national interest? To analyze this question, this thesis uses the Principal-Agent theory in the context of directed content analysis. In this way, this thesis aims to contribute to academia by unraveling how the idea of controlling an international organization is applied in this case study.Show less
South Korea’s positioning in the international climate change discourse is ambiguous. It’s considered a role model on green growth and combatting climate change whilst having increasing emissions....Show moreSouth Korea’s positioning in the international climate change discourse is ambiguous. It’s considered a role model on green growth and combatting climate change whilst having increasing emissions. Using realist theory, this research lays bare the benefits of this ambiguous position. Protecting its non-Annex I status whilst promoting green initiatives allows South Korea to avoid international criticism and taking on (more) responsibility on combatting climate change. At the same time, promoting the notion that South Korea is a ‘role model’ on combatting climate change raises its international standing, allows it to enact multiple leadership roles, and thus increases its political autonomy. Ultimately, the case of South Korea is notable because it lays bare how one can position itself in the global climate change discourse.Show less
Two bodies of rules can be identified in the laws of war. Ius ad bellum limits the reasons to start a war. Ius in bello limits the means and methods to be used in war. There are four theories of...Show moreTwo bodies of rules can be identified in the laws of war. Ius ad bellum limits the reasons to start a war. Ius in bello limits the means and methods to be used in war. There are four theories of warfare that implement moral norms in war, each in its own way. The four theories of warfare are realism, pacifism, traditionalism, and revisionism. In this thesis I have find the theory of warfare which minimalises collateral damage in hostilities, and describe how the implementation of moral norms works towards minimalisation of collateral damage to innocent civilians in hostilities. The research question is: 'Which theory of warfare is theoretically acceptable and minimalises collateral damage during hostilities, and which moral norms does that theory of warfare implement to minimalise collateral damage?' I argue in favour of traditionalism as the theoretically acceptable theory of warfare to minimalise collateral damage to innocent civilians. Traditionalism’s answer to the problem of collateral damage is the Doctrine of Double Effect. I argue that the Doctrine of Double Effect minimalises collateral damage to innocent civilians against collateral damage caused during hostilities. Doctrine of Double Effect implements deontological moral norms, such as the prohibition on intentionally directing attacks against civilians, and consequentialist moral norms, such as the principle of proportionality and due care. The Doctrine of Double Effect is able to protect the moral right to life of innocents, while at the same time providing combatants a right to kill in warfare. The Doctrine of Double Effect minimalises collateral damage to civilians.Show less
This study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security...Show moreThis study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security issues. The Malian conflict, which started in 2012, saw the activation of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) as well as a French military intervention called Operation Serval. However, in July 2013 AFISMA was superseded by a UN-led military operation while the French mission remained functional. This case study reflects the issue regarding the lack of African agency. By using an analytical framework of power in international politics, this study seeks to understand this dynamic as it pertains to the case study. The findings show that France, via a Realist understanding, is the primary power in the conflict out to seek its own security. Simultaneously, African agency is not realisable due to the inherent inferiority of African institutions compared to the UN and France.Show less
Contemporary politics seems to suffer from a carelessness with regards to truth. This thesis aimed to clarify whether contemporary politics is really post-truth. It did this through an analysis of...Show moreContemporary politics seems to suffer from a carelessness with regards to truth. This thesis aimed to clarify whether contemporary politics is really post-truth. It did this through an analysis of multiple theories of truth and an overview of the historical origins of post-truth. It concluded that while there are multiple possible substantial theories of truth, all theories of truth have in common the existence of a correctness-notion. Analysis of modern politics shows that correctness-notions are still held by all relevant actors, which entails that they hold at least some theory of truth. Rather than being post-truth, contemporary politics suffers from political communities that have deeply differing worldviews due to lobbying by interest groups, changes to modern media, and post-modernism.Show less
After several years of intense American involvement, NATO was established as an effort to tackle the spread of communism in Europe. After it was signed and ratified, the United States of America...Show moreAfter several years of intense American involvement, NATO was established as an effort to tackle the spread of communism in Europe. After it was signed and ratified, the United States of America was instantly became the hegemony and it affects two European superpowers namely France and Britain. However, these two countries showed different reaction in response to the American hegemony in NATO. Due to the Special Relationship, the British under the leadership of Harold Wilson, was more inclusive towards the US involvement in the European politics. On the other hand, Charles de Gaulle showed different reaction towards the American hegemony where he clearly rejects the American involvement in the European soil. This paper will show how crucial the analysis of country’s leader as the political figure that able to decide the direction of a country. There are some parameters that are utilized to analyze the leader such as the political background, political party such as well as the national political system, and lastly the interest of the leader. The two events such as the French withdrawal from NATO and the British withdrawal from the Suez but rely on NATO is the perfect example to show the two contrast ambition of the two leaders. These two are also the perfect cases in order to provide a better understanding about how crucial an analysis of the leader as a person might affects a country’s political direction.Show less
In international relations theory, nuclear weapons are frequently discussed as a form of deterrence in a world of realist predicaments. Throughout the Cold War this framework was used to explain...Show moreIn international relations theory, nuclear weapons are frequently discussed as a form of deterrence in a world of realist predicaments. Throughout the Cold War this framework was used to explain the behaviour of various states, mainly in the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, other states also sought to acquire nuclear weapons, with some even succeeding in such endeavour. South Africa and Iran employed nuclear programmes to elevate their domestic but especially their international legitimacy. This thesis combines aspects of international relations theory and thereby constructs a new framework to assess how the active pursuit of nuclear weapons was perceived in the West. It consequently highlights that, even though similarities between the two cases existed, the West's treatment of South Africa/Iran occurred through different lenses, serving the interests of the United States‘ government.Show less
Humanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical...Show moreHumanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical machinations responsible? Through the analysis of the political rhetoric of prominent case studies, this paper seeks to determine the nature of humanitarian intervention in relation to contemporary understandings of international politics.Show less
The art of sympathy constitutes an essential element in George Eliot’s concept of authorship. Regarding her novel The Mill on the Floss (1860), this thesis examines the function of imagination and...Show moreThe art of sympathy constitutes an essential element in George Eliot’s concept of authorship. Regarding her novel The Mill on the Floss (1860), this thesis examines the function of imagination and how George Eliot seeks to develop this function within the realm of the realist novel. The thesis starts with describing Eliot's view on the art of sympathy influenced by e.g. Feuerbach's concept of double-consciousness and Hazlitt’s discussion of Shakespearean sympathy and how she thinks it should be applied to the realist novel. A second section proposes a new reading of The Mill on the Floss based on one of Bakhtin’s theories, as explicated in his essay Discourse in the Novel (1975). This is done to distinguish the narrator's voice from George Eliot's own voice and to examine what Eliot implies with the narrator’s different shifts (and inconsistencies). The next two sections present the narrator and the difficulties he has when telling the story of Maggie Tulliver. First, the thesis discusses the difficulty the narrator is faced with when he discovers that Maggie's characteristics and circumstances go beyond his scientific comprehension of life. Second, the thesis illustrates that when seeking the audience's sympathy for his character Maggie, the narrator is confronted with the inaptness of the contemporary literary conventions to do so. These last two sections give insights on how Eliot both explores and expresses the limits of its omniscient narrator’s knowledge and style, and experiments with how she can replace it with the ‘art of sympathy’.Show less
This paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest...Show moreThis paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest involved. By differentiating these comparable cases between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’, this paper intends to put forward the theory that the West is biased towards non-Western conflict management activities in general. Thereby contradicting the commonplace Western-based literature, this paper aims to voice an alternative interpretation of the reasoning behind Western responses to non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Through studying four cases of interstate conflict management activities which did not enjoy implicit Security Council approval, and two further comparable and illustrative cases of domestic conflict, this paper aims to present empirical evidence for the theory as proposed. This analysis will adhere to a qualitative research design, and it will combine elements of a content- and discourse-analysis, thereby relying on scholarly written work as well as on political and media discourse related to the selected cases. As this analysis will subsequently conclude, the selected cases indeed illustrate an inconsistency in Western response to either Western or non-Western conflict management activities, thereby ruling in favour of the here argued theory that the West is biased towards non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Due to the argued Western ‘moral high ground’ in international affairs, this bias is consequently portrayed as a standard by Western governmental leaders and by Western media, thereby leading to a one-sided discussion in which non-Western countries have an inherent disadvantage; something this paper intends to contradict.Show less
This thesis investigates the representation of female heroism in the nineteenth century in the novels Middlemarch by George Eliot and Wives and Daughters by Elizabeth Gaskell. It concludes that...Show moreThis thesis investigates the representation of female heroism in the nineteenth century in the novels Middlemarch by George Eliot and Wives and Daughters by Elizabeth Gaskell. It concludes that both determinist authors imply that female heroism was not possible on the scale of romantic heroes, or able to reach its full potential. However, both writers give their heroines the best possible ending; their actions can influence a small part of the web of causality around them. This quiet heroism is their small but important power.Show less
According to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries...Show moreAccording to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries do cooperate in international collective goods problems means that something must be missing from traditional rational choice models. IR theorists have tried to explain how it is possible that some countries do cooperate in collective goods problems while others do not.This research examines oil wealth as an explanation for non cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. This explanation is derived from the realist school of thought. The results of this research show that in two different cases oil wealth is negatively related to cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. Also other explanations from realist, liberalist and constructivist theories have been tested and compared to understand the importance of any of these explanations when explaining state behavior in collective goods problems.Show less
This thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the...Show moreThis thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the international community not intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria?’ forms the premise for this thesis. My main argument is that because of the non-consensus within the international community about R2P as a norm, there is a lack of political will to intervene in the situation in Syria. Furthermore, I argue that this lack of consensus is caused by the protection of the national interests of the states involved, especially the security of their sovereignty. These arguments are substantiated by the acceptance of my hypotheses which are based on the core assumptions of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These hypotheses show that the protection of sovereignty, the lack of a common interest, and the non-consensus about R2P are crucial aspects in the decision not to intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria.Show less
