The Responsibility to Protect principle assigns states individually and the international community as a whole the duty to protect all peoples against the atrocity crimes: genocide, ethnic...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle assigns states individually and the international community as a whole the duty to protect all peoples against the atrocity crimes: genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity. To best fulfil this duty, it is important to consider what factors increase the potential for these crimes. In order to examine whether climate change increases the potential for atrocity crimes, this thesis aims to answer the following question: should addressing climate change be regarded as part of the State’s Responsibility to Protect? To this end, it explores how climate change influences the risk for atrocity crimes in Mali and Nigeria. It does so through applying the relevant risk factors and indicators from the United Nations Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes to the current situations in these countries. The analysis shows that climate change does indeed increase the risk for atrocity crimes. It does so indirectly, especially through inducing more resource scarcity and economic hardships. Consequently, this thesis concludes that climate change should be addressed as part of the State’s Responsibility to Protect. It encourages states and the international community to include climate change in their strategies to adhere to this duty.Show less
The necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response...Show moreThe necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response by the international community. R2P represents the notion that states not only have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from atrocity crimes, but due to increasing global interconnectedness have a responsibility to protect citizens worldwide. Furthermore, through R2P, African actors have exemplified shifting power relations, i.e. their growing agency and political, economic, and cultural importance in international relations. This thesis poses the research question, how can ubuntu be used as a framework to understand R2P from an African perspective? This study aims to reacknowledge African agency in the creation and implementation of R2P and the value of a regional and cultural approach, seeing as the literature review reveals that the application of African philosophies to R2P requires further research. To analyze the role of ubuntu principles in R2P, desktop research and document analysis were used. In addition, an interview with Professor Timothy Murithi was conducted. By applying the principles of ubuntu to the responsibilities to prevent, react, and rebuild, this thesis concludes that ubuntu has the potential to increase the legitimate and cohesive implementation of R2P in Africa. Guiding values of ubuntu such as communalism, reciprocity, forgiveness, and communication highlight the humanitarian, ethical aspect of R2P. Furthermore, ubuntu enables a more regional approach to R2P that reacknowledges Africa’s role in international affairs.Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
The existence of a shift in the power structures at the international level functions as a stepping stone for a plethora of additional transformations. Among these are the duration of...Show moreThe existence of a shift in the power structures at the international level functions as a stepping stone for a plethora of additional transformations. Among these are the duration of internationally endorsed norms. In this light, this thesis has set out to uncover the magnitude of the influence that rising powers have on the normative status of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). These rising powers, which are referred to as the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), are known to value the protection of state sovereignty, which plays a large role in framing their views and subsequent implementation of R2P. With use of the norm life cycle theory, the consequences of their rationale on the norm internalisation of R2P were identified. While Brazil and South Africa attempted to further develop the norm, China, Russia and India attempted the opposite by seeking to prevent the further use of the doctrine in its current form. This has led to the realisation that rising powers hamper the internalisation of R2P as a norm.Show less
This thesis explores the UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, specifically focusing on its implementation in South Sudan from 2005 to 2018. Promulgated in 2005, the R2P doctrine aimed to...Show moreThis thesis explores the UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, specifically focusing on its implementation in South Sudan from 2005 to 2018. Promulgated in 2005, the R2P doctrine aimed to prevent the occurrence of mass atrocity crimes, these being genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. Most of the public debate about and literature on R2P has focused on the use of coercive measures by the international community in general and on potential military interventions for humanitarian purposes in particular. This thesis instead takes a more holistic approach to analysing R2P, discussing all three pillars of the doctrine. These are the state’s responsibility to protect (Pillar I); international assistance and capacity building (Pillar II); and a timely and decisive response by the international community in a situation where mass atrocities are imminent or are already being perpetrated (Pillar III). After exploring the literature on R2P and explaining the methodology that will be used, the thesis then explores the implementation of the doctrine before and during the South Sudanese Civil War. The thesis finds that the South Sudanese government were ineffective in adopting measures to protect its population from mass atrocities. Indeed, some policies actually increased the risk of such crimes while important government members and political elites were actively involved in the crimes that were perpetrated. It also finds that the international community’s assistance under Pillar II was generally well-intentioned but often misguided, while the timely and decisive response under Pillar III was hamstrung by an unwillingness to utilise or even consider all of the tools available.Show less
In 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is...Show moreIn 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is also hindered by the different mandates the European governments have regarding the use of force. This thesis seeks to find the reasons why the European states diverged over a case in which they had a common interest in the ‘Responsibility to Protect’. For this explanation, this thesis will focus on the political- and strategic cultures of France, United Kingdom and Germany and the way they influence the parliamentary debates.Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into Russia and China. The choice of Russia and China is to remedy the overreliance on Western thinking on R2P present in the existing literature. This thesis argues that the Libya intervention has resulted in increased difficulties for the R2P, though deepening existing scepticism as well as providing more evidence as to the damaging results of military interventions.Show less
The topic of this study is the employment of PMSCs by the UN in both military and peacekeeping operations. The question that this study seeks to answer is whether the legal principles of IHL and...Show moreThe topic of this study is the employment of PMSCs by the UN in both military and peacekeeping operations. The question that this study seeks to answer is whether the legal principles of IHL and the regime on international responsibility are able to regulate the use of PMSCs. The findings of this study are that these systems are not able to do so, due to the misalignment between international law and international reality. Whereas the applicability of the principles of IHL can be extended to PMSCs, there is a clear accountability gap, as the current regime on international responsibility is not able to adequately regulate the use of PMSCs. Therefore, this study offers a new regime, in accordance to which PMSCs are granted international legal personality. Indeed, the principles of international law reflect out-dated, state centric assumptions about the international system, which do not reflect the twenty-first century and the rise of PMSCs.Show less
India has a mixed stance on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm due to its partial support to only pillars one and two and not pillar three. The first two pillars go hand in hand with the...Show moreIndia has a mixed stance on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm due to its partial support to only pillars one and two and not pillar three. The first two pillars go hand in hand with the country’s foreign policy on humanitarian assistance. The third pillar that states the responsibility of the international community to protect citizens from mass atrocities using militarily intervention is incompatible with Indian foreign policy’s longstanding commitment to sovereignty and non-intervention. To comprehend India’s stance on the R2P norm, this thesis traces India’s views on the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention. India’s past humanitarian interventions into its neighbours have taught the country that social change cannot be achieved through forced military intervention. While India has always been suspicious of western intentions behind intervention, the R2P norm is also a direct threat to India’s own sovereignty as it focuses on India’s domestic vulnerabilities such as its human rights situation. Combining Amitav Acharya’s theory of norm localisation and feedback, and Negron-Gonazales’ and Contarino’s theory on compatibility between strategic interests and local norms, this thesis argues that localization of the R2P norm has not been possible in India due to incompatibility of its strategic interests, domestic norms or both with the third pillar of the R2P norm. In order to localize and accept the norm, India has attempted to limit the definition of mass atrocities under the norm to ease the threat on India’s own sovereignty.Show less
The thesis argues that in the event of another DPRK famine, an argument under the principles of The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) for international intervention can be made.
Humanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical...Show moreHumanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical machinations responsible? Through the analysis of the political rhetoric of prominent case studies, this paper seeks to determine the nature of humanitarian intervention in relation to contemporary understandings of international politics.Show less
The aim of this study is to remain critical of emerging ethical norms and to review them in the light of their practical consequences. For this reason, ‘last resort’ as a just intervention...Show moreThe aim of this study is to remain critical of emerging ethical norms and to review them in the light of their practical consequences. For this reason, ‘last resort’ as a just intervention criterion was assessed in the light of its effect on human security. In order to do this, a most-similar case comparison was set out between Darfur and Libya. Darfur as a case where ‘last resort’ was abided by and which had a negative outcome in terms of human security and Libya as a case where ‘last resort’ was not abided by and which had a positive outcome in terms of human security. It was found that ‘last resort’ mainly has a negative effect on human security in terms of an untimely response to a crisis. However abiding by ‘last resort’ can in some ways make it more difficult for a response to be decisive as well.Show less
One of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not...Show moreOne of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not justifiable under the United Nations mandate, not justifiable under the prominent 'Responsibility to Protect' norm and may have undermined efforts to resolve the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria. However, it is asserted that in situations where intervention is undertaken to stop atrocities committed by a government, the removal of that regime is necessary in achieving its aims. In exploring this link between humanitarian intervention and regime change, this piece analyses how the academic literature can justify the enactment of regime change in instances of intervention. This relationship otherwise lacks a sustained analysis in the academic literature. Whilst regime change is often difficult to justify in instances of humanitarian intervention, and inevitably controversial, this analysis will demonstrate that it is also often a necessity in achieving an intervention's humanitarian goals.Show less
This thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the...Show moreThis thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the international community not intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria?’ forms the premise for this thesis. My main argument is that because of the non-consensus within the international community about R2P as a norm, there is a lack of political will to intervene in the situation in Syria. Furthermore, I argue that this lack of consensus is caused by the protection of the national interests of the states involved, especially the security of their sovereignty. These arguments are substantiated by the acceptance of my hypotheses which are based on the core assumptions of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These hypotheses show that the protection of sovereignty, the lack of a common interest, and the non-consensus about R2P are crucial aspects in the decision not to intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria.Show less
