This research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT...Show moreThis research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT analysis. This analysis examines Russia's military capabilities, the operational environment in the Baltic states and the combination of the two.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
This thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and the troublesome relationship is currently shown by the PACE decision to strip Russia of its voting rights and Russia’s decision to stop its annual payments to the organisation. To research Russia’s behaviour within this organisation, I tested the official Russian discourse about the organisation and interviewed people working on a daily basis with the Council of Europe. This research found that in the years leading up to 2014, Russian officials mixed positive and negative statements about the organisation. Sometimes the organisation was described as a platform for Pan-European organisation, whereas in other occasions the organisation was labelled politicised and anti-Russian. Since Russia lost its voting rights in the PACE in 2014, the official discourse changed towards a confrontational strategy and almost all statements were critical about the Council of Europe and Russia regularly threatened to leave. This finding was endorsed by the interviewees who argued that a possible Russian exit would heavily damage the organisation and the protection of human rights in Russia.Show less
The Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the...Show moreThe Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the period 2013-2015, as reflected in both the phraseology used and topics discussed in the published communiqués. It gives a detailed account of the developments in relations, looking at separate topics and the general trend in relations. In order to analyse the separate issues and the general trend, each communiqué and its issues are analysed and are allocated a value. The values range from ‘-2’ (very negative) to ‘+2’ (very positive). The value assesses how both countries talk about each other. It is assessed as being ‘positive’ when it contributes to building a constructive partnership and ‘negative’ when it damages such a partnership. The study concludes that the different issues of the Russian-Dutch relations developed separately from each other, but the general trend was that the statements on each other deteriorated after Crimea’s incorporation and the downing of MH17. These two events resulted in more negative communications on each other, because the Netherlands increasingly saw Russia as a threat to the EU’s neighbourhood and its own security, and therefore the focus returned to the primary national interest to ensure the safety of the state and its citizens.Show less
This thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European...Show moreThis thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European integration. The aim of this thesis is to show how this theory can help answering the question as to why the founding members of the EaEU chose to establish this union. This thesis focuses on the national preferences of the three founding members, as well as their effectiveness during interstate bargaining negotiations. By doing so, this thesis adds its own conclusions to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of the EaEU.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However, seeing as a variety of former Soviet states have developed into increasingly autocratic states, the development of civil society in general, and in particular the effectiveness of western-funded NGOs has been criticised. However, scholars such as Fröhlich have put forward patterns as to when western funded NGOs can act effectively on the ground. This paper examines the effectiveness of the multinational environmental NGO WWF in Russia. It argues that the Russian government is willing to cooperate with internationally funded NGOs, as long as their programmes do not threaten the status quo of the governmental structures and political system in place.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
The Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat...Show moreThe Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat to the Russian Federation is terrorism linked to the North Caucasus. This thesis is based on Russian counter-terrorism policy in relation to public perceptions of the September 2004 tragedy of Beslan (North Ossetia). In September 2004, a school in Beslan was seized for three days by North Caucasian terrorists which resulted in a massacre with an extremely high number of hostages (1300), fatalities (372) and injuries (747). The Beslan tragedy is considered to be the Russian 9/11 and could, due to its magnitude and impact, theoretically be a turning point in counter-terrorism policy and public perceptions in the Russian Federation. However, the Beslan event has not been a significant turning point in Russian counter-terrorism legislation and laws, despite certain changes and amendments. Furthermore, despite relatively small reforms in the security services, these reforms have been considered to be primarily cosmetic and have not yielded significant results. Also, the perceptions of terrorism and the government’s efforts to combat terrorism among Russian citizens have not improved since Beslan. The rhetoric by the media and government seems to focus primarily on the ostensible success of its counter-terrorism approach. However, despite the qualification of Beslan as the Russian 9/11 and the changes in policy following the event, terrorist activity remains a serious part of daily life within the Russian Federation and any potential improvements in the near future are considered to be unlikely. Keywords: Russia, North Caucasus, Beslan, Terrorism, Counter-terrorismShow less
