This paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting exploratory research on Russia as a single case study. Firstly, Russia’s disinformation campaign is analysed on its own. Secondly, the paper causally connects this disinformation campaign to the internet’s potential to consolidate democracy, primarily as a new free medium for information. In doing so, the paper makes use of two theories, inoculation theory and network theory, as underlying mechanisms for its analysis. It is argued that a negative relation can be observed between the internet’s potential to consolidate democratic developments through free and truthful information and Russia’s disinformation campaign. As this paper remains primarily theoretical in its analysis, further research is advised to determine how this relation has manifested in Russian society and what practical implications can be observed.Show less
The main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only...Show moreThe main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only reasonable solution to a problem. This thesis has used three framing analysis theories that highlight from different perspectives how the 2018 pension reform was framed on Perviy Kanal, the largest Russian news channel. The first chapter of this thesis is a literature review of (media) framing research. Framing research is a popular and multifaceted topic in the field of (political) communication. A preliminary concept of framing could refer to how media uses selection and salience to influence human consciousness and shape public opinion (Entman, 1993, 2004). The second chapter elaborates on the contemporary mass media environment in Russia and specifically focusses on framing in Russian mass media. The last chapter discusses the results of this thesis’ empirical research based on the concept of media framing and against the background of earlier research about how mass media is employed in Russia. The primary research discusses Russian news broadcasting reports that cover topics on, or related to, the pension reform in Russia from 14 June 2018 until 14 January 2019.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
This MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being...Show moreThis MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being researched to see whether or not they are applicable to the People's Republics in the Donbas. These terms are puppet state, protectorate, client state, associated state and vassal state. The conclusion of this MA thesis is that the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic can be considered both Russian puppet states as well as Russian protectorates.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
The debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and...Show moreThe debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and explaining the EU, its behavior, position, actions and role in the international political scene in the entirety of its complexity. In this regard Kenneth Waltz stated that “If we gather more and more data and establish more and more associations, however, we will not finally find that we know something” (Waltz, 2010, p.4). Therefore, continuously piling up new data does not contribute to our understanding and it brings us to finding new approaches and methods. In this sense, this research tries to paint a clearer and wider picture of the EU and its process through some of the core/basic principles of realism. Namely the process of EU enlargement is influenced by numerous factors; this thesis however, is focused specifically on the concept of threat perception as an important external factor which influences decisions in regards to EU enlargement. Stephen Walt, through his Threat Perception Theory (TPT), has not only provided a systematic way to introduce the concept of threat perception in the overarching theory of realism, but has also through the 4 categories, provided us with a tool to determine the concrete evaluation of a threat. In this thesis, that evaluation is applied to the example of Russia and how it is perceived from the EU standpoint. Walt has defined these four categories in such a way that they are not only applicable to the evaluation of threat that comes from certain actors (states), but they also provide room for analyzing specific aspects of their policies. This thesis utilizes this applicability of Walt’s TPT and uses it to also analyze the threat coming from Russian natural gas/energy politics. Due to the fact that threat, as a wider concept, is irrefutably connected to the concepts of survival and power, this thesis will also tackle the topic through the prism of these two primary concepts of realism. When it comes to power it will more notably focus on the works of Tom Casier (2018) and the notions of positive and negative compulsory power. Where this research deviates from the (often dogmatic) principles of the realist theories is the claim that states are the unitary actors on the international scene. This thesis views, and proves, that the EU is a sui generis actor capable of creating and achieving its foreign policy goals. Thus the aforementioned concepts which are generally attributed to states in realist theories, in this research are applied to the European Union.Show less
Russia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but...Show moreRussia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but above all due to Russia’s connection to the notion of power. With the help of revisionism and neo-revisionism, this thesis will explain why Russia is present in the Arctic in the way that it is, and why its behaviour is seemingly ambiguous and sometimes even conflicting.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
Although the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the...Show moreAlthough the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the Caucasus through the use of Orientalist tropes. So, using Edward Said's theoretical framework of Orientalism, the question "How have constructions of Orientalist discourses of the Caucasus changed from the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation?" was investigated in the context of Leonid Gaidai's 1967 film "Kidnapping, Caucasian Style" and Alexei Uchitel's 2008 film "Captive". These constructions have primarily changed along 5 Orientalist tropes. First, tropes of 'backwardness' have remained, though they have shifted from a focus on lack of modern technologies and customs to tropes of either a disorganized band of people in some cases or a militant and violent group in others. Second, representations of alcoholism, as a means of showing a lack of faith in Islam as well as an overly textual approach to understanding it, have remained largely unchanged over time. Third, portrayals of the Caucasus as a feminized "Other" have changed over time. Although feminine aspects have remained as justifying Soviet and Russian intervention in the region. Fourth, the exotic aspect of the Caucasus, though very present in Soviet portrayals, has largely faded from Russian Orientalist representations. Finally, Soviet and, especially, Russian Orientalism portray the Caucasus as being in a state of nature, as a wild and mysterious land that is inherently hostile to Russians. Thus, although constructions of Orientalist discourse have changed in some aspects and remained similar in others, their use as a means of justifying Soviet and Russian presence remains strongly similar and Orientalist.Show less
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in...Show moreThe ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in the Post-Soviet region. The recent opening of the official diplomatic representation of Transnistria in Moscow has sparked a series of questions regarding the intentions of the de facto state and its patron, Russia. While other de facto states, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been recognised and have established official diplomatic missions in Moscow since 2008, the PMR is only taking these steps now. These developments point to a new chapter for Transnistria and raise questions regarding the statehood of the de facto state. This thesis seeks to uncover the overarching mechanisms which foster the development of de facto statehood. Considering the ‘renewal’ of negotiations in the ‘5+2’ format and the declared progress made in in terms of the ‘policy of small steps’ in Transnistria, this is a good place to start. Hence, this thesis aims to explore the causal link between peace processes and de facto statehood.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance to the Council of Europe’s regulatory criteria. Therefore, it first focuses on analysing the literature on the Council of Europe, the ECHR and Russia. After which, the thesis considers the different theories of compliance and how Russian power can be qualified. Next, it looks in detail to the Chechen case. It is a particularly extreme case for Human Rights violation. In Chechnya, there are frequent cases of Human Rights violations, such as abduction, torture, and killings. One recent example is the gay purges, showing the precarious situation of homosexuals who are subject to violence.Show less
The concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a...Show moreThe concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a term, explaining its specific elements when comparing it to other types of warfare, and looking into the politicisation of the term. Since many authors are of the opinion that hybrid warfare currently lacks a general theory which properly distinguishes it from other types of warfare, and that could serve to frame it in a meaningful manner, this thesis contributes to a critical understanding of the current security environment with regards to perceived Russian hybrid threats. As the concept of hybrid warfare has grown up to the extent where it can encompass virtually anything relating to conflict, this thesis emphasizes the cyber domain, alongside (mis)information operations as these can be considered as some of the most unconventional concepts in contemporary warfare.Show less
The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
The literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still...Show moreThe literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still prioritise EU membership. Insights have been offered into the current discord between, and conflicting interests of, the EU and its Member States, and whether the EU in its current state can offer the incentives necessary for Europeanisation to progress in a region with simmering nationalist and ethnic tensions. However, little effort has been expended on exploring whether and how EU policy towards the Western Balkans has been affected by increasingly assertive Russian foreign policy. To answer this, I will examine the accession process from the annexation of Crimea in 2014 until 2018, a year which saw two major European summits dedicated to the region. The exploration of whether Russia is considered a threat to the EU's ambitions in the region and how the EU has chosen to respond will result in a greater understanding of the Union's capacities and limits as an international actor.Show less
This dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of...Show moreThis dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of current integration of the EEU as well as its prospects, epitomized by Russia’s willingness to push for a monetary union. To do so, the Data Analysis section investigates both current and prospects of Russia’s economic integration with the EEU. In sum, the analysis results reveal Russia’s economic motivation towards increasing its further integration with the Eurasian Economic Union. Further remarks point to data limitation and potential future research on the matter.Show less
This thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship....Show moreThis thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship. Convinced that the answer lies in the legacy of the 1990s crisis period, the thesis poses the following question: To what extent is the legacy of formal and informal constraints to businesses in the 1990s impacting the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in contemporary Russia? As such, the goal of the thesis is to set a clear diagnosis that will provide a framework with strong foundations for future researchers, thereby aiding them in tackling the problem from the root. For that reason, a new hybrid framework is developed, which looks at structural (top-down) and ideational (bottom-up) factors. Based on the findings, Russia currently does not have a political, economic and socio-cultural structure in which entrepreneurship is in high demand. Statist-patrimonial capitalism, thriving corruption, unfavorable credit conditions, bureaucratic and administrative barriers still pose major problems for small and medium businesses. The overarching culture of informality as an accelerator for achieving goals, low entrepreneurial intentions and deteriorated entrepreneurs’ trust in the state are other survivors of the 1990s transition. Many practices have thus, survived the turbulent transition or have evolved from it. However, the essence has remained the same, which keeps the 1990s legacy alive and the vicious circle turning, thereby leaving entrepreneurship and SME stuck in development. Unless the problem of stalemate in development is tackled from the core on the political, economic and the socio-cultural fronts, it is not likely that major advancements will be made in building a strong entrepreneurial Russia with a large and dynamic SME sector.Show less
