Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
While Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet)...Show moreWhile Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet) in other post-Soviet areas. This thesis seeks to explain what factors explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea next to continuing its soft power strategy. This research uses a constructivist approach and argues that culturally and historically constructed relations shape Russia’s foreign policy, and therefore, Russia’s foreign policy varies within the post-Soviet space. This research uses explaining-outcome process-tracing and a most-similar case study comparison to uncover why Russia decided to annex Crimea. The evidence suggests that while the Russian World is an essential aspect of Russia’s soft power strategy, Russia did not annex Crimea because it seeks to unite all compatriots in the Russian World. Instead, the evidence suggests that Russia annexed Crimea because of Crimea’s historical significance to Russia and because Russia seeks to regain its former great power status in the post-Soviet space.Show less
The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
Vladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to...Show moreVladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to his critics, and stability, according to his supporters. This research will remain focused on Putinism as an influential mechanism on other heads of state, informing the research question: To what extent has Putinism influenced the policies of Viktor Yanukovych and Ramzan Kadyrov from the year 2000? This topic is relevant as Putin’s charisma does play a severely important role in modern geopolitics, which has affected not only political opinions, but also wars and revolutions such as the Euromaidan Revolution, the annexation of Crimea and the war with Chechnya. Putinism is therefore presented as the theoretical framework of this research. For the purpose of this thesis, a comparative case analysis is put in practice, using the cases of Ukraine and Chechnya in order to answer the research question. Lastly, the conclusion will sum up the findings proving that both Yanukovych and Kadyrov were heavily influenced by Putinism.Show less
There has been no research into how the Russian government influences gender (in-)equality and LGBT rights through unofficial instruments. Unofficial instruments, in this thesis, pertains to things...Show moreThere has been no research into how the Russian government influences gender (in-)equality and LGBT rights through unofficial instruments. Unofficial instruments, in this thesis, pertains to things like the absence of hard action against violent homophobic groups and remarks Putin, or other government officials, have made in non official speeches. The research question is: How has the Putin administration, through unofficial ways, influenced gender equality and LGBT rights in the Russian Federation? The case studies used to answer this question, are the reaction to the #MeToo-movement in Russia and the lack of investigation by the government after the anti-gat purge in Chechnya.The case studies are: the reaction to the #MeToo campaign in Russia and the lack of investigation from the government after the anti-gay purge in Chechnya. The #MeToo campaign was not supported by many Russians, even though many Russian women face sexual harassment and the anti-gay purges were a violation of the rights of LGBT people. Both case studies are different, and focus on different groups in society. What the case studies do have in common, is that they show the presence of the so-called ‘traditional values’ in the Russian Federation. These case studies are used, because they show the variety in which the government can counter developments in gender equality and LGBT rights and acceptance.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
The European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has...Show moreThe European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has deepened itself through policies such as the Single European Act and the European Monetary Union. These are key examples of policies adopted by the European Union in order to advance collaboration between its member states. The widening of the European Union has happened through the enlargement of the Union throughout different stages. During these stages of enlargement more countries became members of the European Union. The European Neighbourhood Policy also belongs to the widening approach of the European Union. Through this policy, the European Union has found a way to gain more influence over states that are not a member of the Union. The deepening and widening of the European Union has been felt by the Russian Federation in a number of negative ways. As the European Union continued to deepen and widen, the Russian Federation felt its geopolitical power diminish. This feeling became particularly strong as the European Union began to establish closer ties with Ukraine. Increased activity by the European Union in the Russian near abroad gave the Federation a reason to stand its ground through military action. This was done by annexing Crimea.Show less
China is increasingly reliant on imports for its energy security. Within recent years China and Russia have cooperated increasingly with each other in the field of energy. This study aims to...Show moreChina is increasingly reliant on imports for its energy security. Within recent years China and Russia have cooperated increasingly with each other in the field of energy. This study aims to identify the role of Russia within Chinese energy security and how this has progressed, since China became increasingly dependable on energy imports. Building on energy security literature, this thesis asks: How has Russia’s role as energy supplier changed within Chinese energy security since the rapprochement in 1990? Within this context Energy security is used in the classical definition of the “availability of sufficient supplies at affordable prices”. Based on an alternative of the four A’s Model, this thesis makes use of the ‘Availability’, ‘Accessibility’ and the ‘Affordability’ in order to research Chinese energy security and the Russian role of this within it. Analysis have proven that the role of Russia has improved greatly over time. The results also indicate that Russia is having an increasingly larger role with Chinese energy policy, but China refrains from making itself dependable by a successful diversification strategyShow less
In February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and...Show moreIn February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the backing of the pro-Russian unrest in the eastern regions of Ukraine. This escalated into an armed conflict which remains hostile to this day. This thesis aims to investigate the Russian hybrid warfare conducted against the state of Ukraine. Hybrid warfare is a controversial theory developed to explain the post-Cold War conflicts. Such conflicts often have blurred lines between conventional and unconventional methods and modes of warfare where a simultaneous usage of these intend to reach political objectives. The hybrid warfare assessment framework will be applied to the case study of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.Show less
Sastrowijoto, Laurens Pepijn Henricus Helenius 2020
This thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most recent addition, researched is why and to what extent it may be more suitable to analyse Russia’s FP with a focus on Crimea’s annexation, compared to its predecessors.Show less
Despite the vast amount of scholarly attention, the issue of decapitation has enjoyed, research on decapitation has primarily focused on US and Israeli cases. Nonetheless, decapitation as a...Show moreDespite the vast amount of scholarly attention, the issue of decapitation has enjoyed, research on decapitation has primarily focused on US and Israeli cases. Nonetheless, decapitation as a counterterrorism measure used by the Russian authorities, has been surprisingly under-researched. Hence, this paper aspires to contribute to the academic debate by filling this under-researched gap. Further building onto Morehouse’s work (2014), this paper presents an analysis of the impact of Russian decapitation efforts on the operational effectiveness of Chechen rebel groups for the period between 1995 and 2014. Central themes this study is concerned with involve the question of whether or not decapitation efforts have significantly and consistently reduced the number of casualties and subsequent attacks. This paper found that seen over the whole period of research, the number of casualties and the frequency of the attacks did decrease. Nevertheless, this decrease was accompanied by peaks and throughs, and, therefore, these decreases were not consistent.Show less
This thesis explores the phenomena of cronyism in the Russian Federation. The structure of the thesis is the following: Introduction which defines the goals and objectives of the paper; Literature...Show moreThis thesis explores the phenomena of cronyism in the Russian Federation. The structure of the thesis is the following: Introduction which defines the goals and objectives of the paper; Literature Review which reviews existent scholarly articles on cronyism and cronyism in Russia; Three chapters that examine one of the prominent Russian billionaires, his connections to high ranked government officials and his alleged involvement in cronyistic exchanges; Conclusion with outlined findings and connection to the wider challenges that the world is facing. With the use of the existent theoretical framework on cronyism and triangulation of the available journalistic material, this thesis concludes that it is highly likely that cronyistic exchanges take place in Russia at the highest levels of the executive and legislative branches of the government. Coming to this conclusion is important because it reveals that the actions of the Russian government might not always be motivated by national interests but rather by the interests of certain individuals.Show less
Over the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This...Show moreOver the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This perception is examined and challenged through an analysis of either nations strategy and tactics in the field of Counterinsurgency (COIN). Initial glances appear to confirm the perception by highlighting the difference in success rate and efficiency in COIN by Russia and the USA. Analyses of military COIN tactics in Syria and Iraq, the strategic political circumstances of either nation, and the ability of the individual militaries to adapt to circumstances as well as synthesize useful knowledge, are used to examine the reasons for the increased effectiveness of Russian COIN. Tactically, it is found that both nations do not differ enough to result in the marked difference in success that has been found, therefore the reasons must lie in the other circumstances. The results of this thesis have the implication that military success in COIN is not found in specific tactical differences but rather through a combination of maintaining political will and a better synthesis of useful knowledge within the scope of the military. Therefore, the US and Russian COIN strategies are two sides of the same COIN, albeit one more successful.Show less
Since the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in...Show moreSince the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in several legal, economic, and political confrontations. An analysis of Russian and EU policies supports Constructivist assertions that ideas influence the decision-makers and policies involved in these confrontations. More specifically, an in-depth analysis of EU and Russian policies, strategic discourses, and policy environments reveals that EU-Russian gas tensions are correlated with an EU-Russian divergence in worldviews, goals, and tools. Once this observation is adapted to Hall’s theory of policy paradigms and fitted into a Constructivist framework, EU-Russian gas tensions appear to be driven by EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms. A thorough analysis of one of the longest-lasting and most explicit EU-Russian legal confrontations – the European Commission’s antitrust proceedings against Gazprom – lends support to this hypothesis. Over the course of this six-year-long legal battle, EU-Russian gas tensions increased whenever the divergence between the economic paradigms of the EU and Gazprom increased. Likewise, tensions decreased once their divergence decreased. This correlation is reinforced by the fact that the diverging EU and Russian economic paradigms have inspired conflicting policies that fuel these EU-Russian gas tensions. Thus a causal relationship between EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms and EU-Russian gas tensions seems to have been verified. This causal relationship has great implications for EU and Russian policies alike, for it questions common assumptions that EU-Russian gas tensions will automatically decrease once there is a political change.Show less
This research examines the life and thoughts of Ivan Ilin during his life in Berlin between 1922 and 1938. The goal was to re-connect Ivan Ilin with his historical context. This was performed by...Show moreThis research examines the life and thoughts of Ivan Ilin during his life in Berlin between 1922 and 1938. The goal was to re-connect Ivan Ilin with his historical context. This was performed by comparing Ilin to his environment by analysing his reaction to the trends and ideas which developed in the Russian emigrant community in Berlin. By doing this, this thesis challenges the currently established vision on political ideas and legacy of Ivan Ilin.Show less
De afgelopen jaren is het debat rondom het Molotov-Ribbentroppact sterk gepolariseerd. Enerzijds verdedigt Rusland met hand en tand het narratief van de Sovjet-Unie als heldhaftige overwinnaar van...Show moreDe afgelopen jaren is het debat rondom het Molotov-Ribbentroppact sterk gepolariseerd. Enerzijds verdedigt Rusland met hand en tand het narratief van de Sovjet-Unie als heldhaftige overwinnaar van de Tweede Wereldoorlog, en is er voor het Molotov-Ribbentrop geen plaats. Immers, Groot-Brittannië en Frankrijk lieten de Sovjet-Unie geen keus met hun 'appeasement-politiek'. Anderzijds stelt het Europese Parlement, sterk beïnvloed door de Baltische Staten - de grote benadeelden van het pact -, dat door het Molotov-Ribbentroppact de Tweede Wereldoorlog kon plaatsvinden. Hoe is het tot deze 'memory war' gekomen, en waarom is de geschiedenis belangrijk voor zowel de Russische federatie als de Europese Unie?Show less
The thesis makes an important point in emphasizing- against much of the conventional scholarly literature on the subject- that the Russo-Japanese War is usefully seen in a broader context of...Show moreThe thesis makes an important point in emphasizing- against much of the conventional scholarly literature on the subject- that the Russo-Japanese War is usefully seen in a broader context of competing imperial powers. The conclusion brings together the various players and the war's implications for each fairly effectively.Show less
