This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics....Show more“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics. The analysis looks at recent trends and tries to scrutinize the prevalent narrative that Greece and Russia are two traditional allies. Despite fertile ground for an effective cultural diplomacy policy, Russia does not capitalize on the sway and favorable view it has in Greece due to several factors. Especially in the last decade and since the onset of the Greek financial crisis, economic ties have not deepened. While there is much potential for the development of cooperation, it must take place in diverse fields and move away from the politicized domain of energy.”Show less
As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
This thesis provides an overview of the three main economic pathways that Russian mono industrial cities have followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, namely economic diversification,...Show moreThis thesis provides an overview of the three main economic pathways that Russian mono industrial cities have followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, namely economic diversification, economic replacement and maintaining the core industry. This was done by choosing three relevant cities as case studies for each pathway, in order to determine under which circumstances each economic policy would work the best.Show less
Russian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades,...Show moreRussian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades, been accepted as a strategic concept into the doctrinal documents of key Western military actors, including NATO and the EU. This paper argues that analysts misinterpret Russia’s operational, context-dependent opportunism in Ukraine as a holistic strategic method. So, in order to examine the extent to which Russian actions in Ukraine are actually strategic and whether the contemporary hybrid warfare concept improves or stifles that understanding, this paper examines the following: to what extent is Russian so-called hybrid warfare in Ukraine strategic? Three key events in the Russo-Ukrainian War are analysed using classical theory on strategy as a guiding framework, making use of a thematic case study analysis. It is shown that Russian actions in Ukraine are classically strategic to a highly limited extent because (1) battle is not always central and (2) Russian political coordination is either absent or opportunistic. Russian actions in Ukraine thus do not indicate a holistically integrated strategic method – which Western observers have eagerly dubbed hybrid warfare. Rather, the reality shows a method of operational opportunism enabled by a permissive political and battlespace-context. Hybrid warfare therefore does not merit adoption as a strategic concept, because it is not strategic. Using hybrid warfare as a strategic concept thus dilutes what we perceive to be strategic – and what we perceive to be warfare – proving the importance of testing new concepts against classical wisdom.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
Secondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history...Show moreSecondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history aspect of compulsory secondary education plays a highly important role considering its target audience - a country's youth - and because of the clear articulation, widespread distribution and compelling moral framework of state-sponsored textbooks. In this thesis, the recent standardisation and nationalisation policy in Russia serves as a clear example of the increase of state control on history education. Adding to the existing state-sponsored history research on Russian secondary textbooks, this thesis approaches state-sponsored history from a historical perspective by examining the historical background of Russian state-sponsored history, while diving into an in-depth case study of one historical event: the revolutionary period of Russia in 1905, also referred to as the Russian Revolution of 1905. The re-evaluation of this short period of time could be summarised by three successive dominant perspectives in Russian state-sponsored history: two ideological perspectives (traditional socialism and Russian patriotism served by Great Russian nationalism) and one perspective characterised by pluralist revisionism that represents the re-evaluation of Russian history education during the 1990s. In regard to the standardisation period since the early 2000s, the state document called Kontseptsiya appeared to function as the cornerstone of the current educational policy, which is focused on instilling patriotism and re-affirming the status of Great Russia, while legitimising authoritarian values is promoted by certain historical interpretations of particularly tsar Nicholas II and Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin. As a final point, the Kontseptsiya included the political motivation to apply a new approach to the history of Russian culture as a continuous process of acquiring a national identity that is formed by its political and socio-economic development, which affirmed the role of state-sponsored history in the Russian state policy of social engineering or cultural reproduction to find a post-communist national identity that could measure up to the great power status of the former Russian Empire and Soviet Union. The conclusion of this historical case study of Russia in the theoretical framework of state-sponsored history leads to the awareness of state control on compulsory history education and raises the question of the desirability of international agreement on a universal basic understanding of history in secondary education.Show less
This thesis examines to what extent the securitisation model applies to the attempted OPCW hack, the Bundestag hack, and the SolarWinds operation concerning policy implementations. The...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent the securitisation model applies to the attempted OPCW hack, the Bundestag hack, and the SolarWinds operation concerning policy implementations. The securitisation model analyses the securitising actor’s response to the threat. Further, it analyses whether the securitisation act enabled the securitising actor to implement drastic measures. This thesis uses the case study method and selected the cases with a shared perpetrator and objective. For the findings, this thesis concluded the following for the three cases. The Dutch government completed the securitisation act for the attempted OPCW hack but did not implement drastic policies. For the Bundestag hack, the Federal Government did not complete the securitisation act but did implement drastic measures. The United States completed the securitisation act and implemented drastic policies. Thus, the extent to which the securitisation model explains the response of the victim state differs in each case.Show less
The already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in...Show moreThe already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in economic and diplomatic sanctions being imposed on Russia, further intensifying the relationship between two central powers in cyberspace and hinting at the use of a deterrence strategy by the EU. To further gain knowledge about the impact of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox on Russia, this research aims to identify how the toolbox intents to functions against Russia. By doing so, the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy will function as the theoretical framework in this research, resulting into an overview of the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy. Furthermore, the purposes of the installation of the toolbox will be analysed. Likewise, with the use of case studies, the actual effects of the toolbox on Russia will be outlined to portray that the EU cyber diplomacy does intent to function as a method of a deterrence strategy against Russia.Show less
The term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid...Show moreThe term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid methods and ‘hybrid warfare’ into a new perspective by determining the extent of which Russian hybrid operations have aided Russia in achieving its aims in the Ukraine conflict in a strategic manner. In order to do so, a strategic value assessment model was developed and applied to Russian hybrid operations in the context of the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent conflict in Eastern Ukraine. This thesis has found that, despite seeing relative success in Crimea, Russian hybrid operations cannot be considered as highly strategic. This is mostly due to the heavy reliance on the use of Russian proxy forces in the form of separatist groups, which have proven to be difficult to control in the long term and have acted out of line with Russian national policy on some occasions.Show less
The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
This thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that...Show moreThis thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that the respective news coverage of this event does not differ in significant ways, despite Tass being stateowned and Interfax being a private cooperation.Show less
