State-sponsored cyberattacks are increasing. Although most attacks have a motivation like espionage, theft, and sabotage, there are also attacks motived to disrupt or interfere with a country to...Show moreState-sponsored cyberattacks are increasing. Although most attacks have a motivation like espionage, theft, and sabotage, there are also attacks motived to disrupt or interfere with a country to negatively affect public support for the incumbent government. Even though there are plenty of examples of cyberattacks with these motivations, the actual effect of public support towards the government has not been analyzed yet. According to the rally-around-the- flag theory, sudden, international and short events such as state-sponsored cyberattack should increase public support for government instead of decrease, as the aim of the attack. In this paper, a regression discontinuity analysis is conducted on the 2007 Estonian cyberattacks. Thereby, the satisfaction levels with the government and democracy are measured before and during the attack. The effect of cyberattacks on both the satisfaction with the government as well as democracy are non-significant. In other words, state-sponsored cyberattacks do not affect the population’s support for government. This is remarkable because it directly contradicts the purpose of the attack. It raises the follow-up question to what extent these types of attacks are effective.Show less
The theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful...Show moreThe theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful in comparison with earlier attempts. To find a possible explanation for some of the negative outcomes this thesis asks the following research question; To what extent does the dysfunctional, kleptocratic and corrupt system provide the explanation for the shortcomings of the Russian reforms of its military in 2008? The research question will be answered from a socio-cultural angle, and can perhaps provide an explanation for the dysfunctionality, kleptocratic and corrupt system that negatively affected the 2008 reforms. Based on the analysis in this thesis, it can be concluded the Russian military is plagued by a variety of problems that are socio-cultural in nature. This thesis demonstrates that aspects such as corruption, the legacy of the Soviet mentality, organizational culture and the negative public perception fuel the dysfunctionality of the Russian military and thus are related to the shortcomings of its reforms.Show less
De focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue...Show moreDe focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue spanning. De Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het belangrijkste moment in deze verhouding, doordat deze gebeurtenis leidde tot een verdere opbouw van spanning. Verder is in dit onderzoek aangetoond dat het buitenspel zetten van Bogdanov uit de politieke arena van grote impact is geweest op de ontwikkeling van de bestuurscultuur van de bolsjewistische beweging. Bogdanovs ideeën bleven in de jaren 1920 van invloed op meerdere Sovjetpolitici, maar werden hierna van minder belang door toenemende censuur.Show less
Hybrid warfare is considered to be a vague term and its usefulness as an analytical tool is doubted by academics. This thesis sets out to test the analytical usefulness of the hybrid warfare term...Show moreHybrid warfare is considered to be a vague term and its usefulness as an analytical tool is doubted by academics. This thesis sets out to test the analytical usefulness of the hybrid warfare term when incorporated by NATO. Through discourse analysis, it was found that the notion of hybrid warfare and its associated terms are employed and defined inconsistently across various NATO publications. This indicates that hybrid warfare may indeed be a weak analytical tool to use. Through a thematic analysis, it was found that there is a broad consensus on the way in which hybrid warfare is defined by academics and NATO officials, which might indicate that there is some practical use for employing the term.Show less
While Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet)...Show moreWhile Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet) in other post-Soviet areas. This thesis seeks to explain what factors explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea next to continuing its soft power strategy. This research uses a constructivist approach and argues that culturally and historically constructed relations shape Russia’s foreign policy, and therefore, Russia’s foreign policy varies within the post-Soviet space. This research uses explaining-outcome process-tracing and a most-similar case study comparison to uncover why Russia decided to annex Crimea. The evidence suggests that while the Russian World is an essential aspect of Russia’s soft power strategy, Russia did not annex Crimea because it seeks to unite all compatriots in the Russian World. Instead, the evidence suggests that Russia annexed Crimea because of Crimea’s historical significance to Russia and because Russia seeks to regain its former great power status in the post-Soviet space.Show less
Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
This thesis examines what role the Arctic plays in contemporary Russian politics. For this purpose, a thorough analysis of the Russian domestic discourse on the Arctic region is conducted. The...Show moreThis thesis examines what role the Arctic plays in contemporary Russian politics. For this purpose, a thorough analysis of the Russian domestic discourse on the Arctic region is conducted. The discourse analysis covers the period 2007-2018 and focuses on a few key figures who have arguably a significant impact on the Arctic discourse due to their centrality in Russian politics. The analysis shows that the individual narratives on the Arctic strengthen Russian national identity by promoting notions of foreign encirclement and the country’s exceptionalism and great power identity. Moreover, the discourse on the Arctic is provided with a temporal and overall coherence by selectively manipulating historical memory and drawing on a wide range of symbolic actions. In the second part of the paper the findings from the analysis are placed within the wider Russian political context. Thereby, it is shown that the Arctic discourse is not an isolated phenomenon, but that it is representative of a general shift towards an increasingly nationalist and patriotic rhetoric during Putin’s third term in office. It is argued that by creating a coherent and compelling national identity, the Putin regime seeks to buttress its fragile legitimacy. These findings imply that foreign observers and representatives need to be aware of Russian domestic political developments in order to properly assess Russia’s actions and interests in the Arctic region.Show less
This thesis aims to answer the question: “How can states balance their peace-justice dilemma’s in the Russia-Ukraine conflict?” It will take a qualitative case study approach using primary and...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the question: “How can states balance their peace-justice dilemma’s in the Russia-Ukraine conflict?” It will take a qualitative case study approach using primary and secondary data and analyze how various levels of state intervention impact the peacejustice dilemmas states face when intervening in a conflict. This thesis will provide a comprehensive review of the existing literature on the topic and create a theoretical framework from which to analyze the case. This research finds that although various levels of state intervention can have a certain degree of impact on a state’s peace-justice dilemma, there is no “perfect” solution to the dilemma as it remains present to some degree.Show less
In 1876 a new school for industrial arts was founded in St. Petersburg after the foundation of several schools alike throughout Europe. The school was named the Baron Stieglitz Central School of...Show moreIn 1876 a new school for industrial arts was founded in St. Petersburg after the foundation of several schools alike throughout Europe. The school was named the Baron Stieglitz Central School of Technical Drawing, named after the Stieglitz family. Baron A.L. Stieglitz wanted to commemorate his father’s successes in the commercial and industrial businesses and donated one million rubbles to the Russian state. With this money he wanted to found the design school and upon his donation he heard back from Emperor Alexander II himself. The patriotic Stieglitz not only wanted to commemorate his father, but was sincerely involved with the education of Russian students in the arts and crafts. This thesis will focus on the Baron Stieglitz Museum which was attached to the school. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century a lot has happened in Russia on cultural, political and industrial grounds. This thesis will examine whether or not these factors have influenced the Baron Stieglitz Museum. The research questions which will be answered throughout this thesis are: How have cultural and political factors of the nineteenth and early twentieth century Russia determined the outline of the Baron Stieglitz Museum and its collection? What was the position of the Stieglitz Museum within the context of the other European decorative art museums of the nineteenth century? In Europe, several decorative art museums were founded after the International Great Exhibition of 1851 held in London. It turned out that the Industrial Revolution and the abolishment of the guilds had had more impact on the decorative arts than anticipated. Aesthetically and technically there was a decrease in quality. The newly founded schools were supposed to educate craftsmen and future artists. Collections of decorative art were assembled which served the students as proper examples from which they could learn and develop their own objects. These collections expanded and came to stand on their own which required new museum buildings. The decorative art museums and schools from London, Vienna, Berlin, Hamburg and Moscow have been examined in this thesis. These five have influenced the development of the St. Petersburg school and museum of Baron Stieglitz architecturally and educationally. This thesis will begin with a historiography which shows that not much research has been carried out on this subject other than in Russia. Then, chapter two discussed the foundation of the school and museum and the historicist architecture. Also, Russia’s development of a national style, the kustar art movement and its connection to the Baron Stieglitz Museum will be treated. Chapter three discusses the European context of the decorative art museums and in what way the schools and museums in London, Vienna, Berlin, Hamburg and Moscow have inspired the Baron Stieglitz Museum and School. Chapter four elaborates on the collection of the Baron Stieglitz Museum with a focus on eighteenth century French furniture, unique tapestries, five paintings by G.B. Tiepolo and a collection of Russian tile stoves. Chapter five gives more information about the changing politics at the beginning of the twentieth century and what the consequences were for the Baron Stieglitz Museum. Finally, in chapter six, an epilogue is provided where more information about the current state of affairs at the Baron Stieglitz Museum is given and chapter seven gives a conclusion where the research questions are answered. The chapter about the collection is devoted to its formation as it was before the 1920s.The collections of Baron A.L. Stieglitz and A.A. Polovtsov were the start collections of the museum, but unfortunately it is not known what they consisted of. The objects were not acquired systematically, but came to the museum through donations or bequests. Also A.A. Polovtsov and M.E. Mesmacher made large acquisitions which they bought mostly abroad. They had good relationships with several antiquarians from whom they bought regularly. They also bought at auctions which probably had been the case with the five large Tiepolo paintings. The Baron Stieglitz Museum has been formed through events that took place in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Nationalism has been of importance to the foundation of the school, since Stieglitz was sincerely concerned with the development of the crafts in Russia. It has also been of importance to the architecture of the museum building. After the Napoleon wars the patriotic feelings of the people were stimulated and when their confiscated objects returned home (after being part of the Musée Napoleon) national museums were founded. The historicist style has been frequently employed to illustrate the summits of history in one building. Halls in museums were decorated in different styles to suite the objects on display. When the visitor went through the museum he was able to determine his own national legacy and compare it to those of the other countries all over the world. The South Kensington Museum was founded after it turned out that the objects of France, presented at the Great Exhibition, were superior to those of all other countries. England believed they should have been the best nation instead. The South Kensington Museum is throughout the nineteenth century considered the most important school and museum and has served as an example for many design schools and decorative art museums that followed. The Baron Stieglitz Museum has never been able to reach the level that the South Kensington Museum and the other museums had in the European economical market. The Baron Stieglitz Museum focused mainly on the national Russian market. The position the Baron Stieglitz Museum held within the other European decorative art museums has been minor even though the collection and building were not inferior to those of the others. Political factors have been of lesser influence to the Baron Stieglitz Museum as the cultural factors. Nationalism and the results of industrialism have played a major role and were the main reasons for the foundation of the school and museum. They have influenced the Baron Stieglitz Museum in a positive way. The political factors on the other hand caused the downfall of the museum. Due to the wars and the changing perspectives in Russia, the museum and its collection were neglected. At some point, the museum needed money to pay for restoration, but was not able to. In 1923 it was decided that the collection came under the supervision of the State Hermitage and in 1927 it was decided that all 12.000 objects should be transferred to the main premises. At the State Hermitage they were divided among the departments and other museums. After the Second World War, some objects returned but only the least valuable ones and copies of original works. The Baron Stieglitz Museum in its original form had ceased to exist two decades earlier: a new museum had come in its place.Show less
China is increasingly reliant on imports for its energy security. Within recent years China and Russia have cooperated increasingly with each other in the field of energy. This study aims to...Show moreChina is increasingly reliant on imports for its energy security. Within recent years China and Russia have cooperated increasingly with each other in the field of energy. This study aims to identify the role of Russia within Chinese energy security and how this has progressed, since China became increasingly dependable on energy imports. Building on energy security literature, this thesis asks: How has Russia’s role as energy supplier changed within Chinese energy security since the rapprochement in 1990? Within this context Energy security is used in the classical definition of the “availability of sufficient supplies at affordable prices”. Based on an alternative of the four A’s Model, this thesis makes use of the ‘Availability’, ‘Accessibility’ and the ‘Affordability’ in order to research Chinese energy security and the Russian role of this within it. Analysis have proven that the role of Russia has improved greatly over time. The results also indicate that Russia is having an increasingly larger role with Chinese energy policy, but China refrains from making itself dependable by a successful diversification strategyShow less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
In February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally...Show moreIn February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally alleviate the lingering strains of Cold War antagonism. This thesis will discuss the role of Congress concerning this matter. This is interesting, firstly, because part of the reset's failure can be explained by Congressional counteracts. Secondly, careful analysis of Congressional hearings will show that there is a much less rigid bipartisan dichotomy concerning U.S.-Russian policy than is often taken for granted. All in all, the reader is granted considerable insight into one of the most complex and most urgent bilateral relations of today.Show less
This thesis investigates the relationship between the Russian tsarist state and the four most important Russian Christian sects, the Khlysty, Skoptsy, Dukhobors, and Molokans, in the period 1801...Show moreThis thesis investigates the relationship between the Russian tsarist state and the four most important Russian Christian sects, the Khlysty, Skoptsy, Dukhobors, and Molokans, in the period 1801-1881. First the developments of the Russian Orthodox Church and the tsarist state following the Russian Orthodox Church schism (raskol), which gave rise to Russian religious dissent, are discussed, before moving on to an in-depth assessment of the history and beliefs of the four sects mentioned above. In the second part of the thesis the attitudes of the three tsars that ruled Russia between 1801 and 1881, Alexander I, Nicholas I, and Alexander II, are clarified, before the views of the sectarians on the policies of the three rulers are considered. It is then argued that these rulers, and Nicholas I specifically, vilified the sectarians as class of (imaginary) enemies as part of their state formation policies. In practice this meant the (forced) expulsion of many of the sectarians to the fringes of the Russian empire. The sectarians themselves, in turn, developed tools to cope with these conditions, and in some cases in their new role as frontier colonists became the epitome of Russianness in the multi-ethnic regions of the empire. This thesis therefore not only pays attention to the changing political situation of tsarist Russia in the nineteenth century and the state views on sectarianism, but also to the ways in which marginalized groups outside the Russian Orthodox Church reconciled their religious and ethnic identities with the demands of the state.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
