One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
The argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the...Show moreThe argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the strong prohibitive norm when it comes to the use of CW that construes a reality in which narratives of justification are produced when it comes to the use of force. This moral reality cannot be explained solely rationally, but has roots in decades of social interaction, which makes that violations of norms concerning CWs are put higher on the international agenda than other violations. The relevance of this study lies in the reflection on constructivism as a theoretical tool, but also in its aim to contribute to a broader understanding of how certain types of harm raise more attention in international politics: what causes the international community to be concerned about norm violation? As obvious as the answer of ‘inhumane practices’ seems, it is just a small percentage of suffering that becomes an international concern. The following puzzle has led to the research question: how can we explain the international community’s particular concern about violations of the norm on the prohibition of chemical weapons by using constructivist theory?Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
This thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on...Show moreThis thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on theories about cooperation and competition between terrorist organisations. A study of the effects of these types of relationships, as well as a thorough account of the events leading up to the break in 2014, has furthermore given an insight into this difficult relationship. The thesis introduces the notion of a competitive alliance, combining competitive and cooperative aspects, to make sense of this divorce.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
The relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a...Show moreThe relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a greater need for a specific case approach because proxy civil wars are much more complicated. In a non-proxy civil war a peaceful situation has to been agreed on on the local level and humanitarian aid could contribute to peace prospects, in a proxy civil war humanitarian aid affects peace prospects to a lesser degree because of the multi-layered nature of this type of conflict where on all layers of the proxy civil war peace has to be agreed on. Moreover, aid providers, donors, and other (foreign) involved actors have more influence on a proxy civil war than in a non-proxy civil war and therefore humanitarian aid could adversely affect peace prospects.Show less
