This thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the...Show moreThis thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the diaspora were analyzed using the qualitative research method narrative analysis. In the analysis, the reflection of cultural transformation through migration in Emirdağ's poetry has been observed. The results provide an insight into the migration culture and the outcomes of socio-cultural and economic transnationalism.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This study analyses the portrayal of women in Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix. With the help of three concepts from feminist film theory, namely male gaze, male voice and female subjectivity,...Show moreThis study analyses the portrayal of women in Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix. With the help of three concepts from feminist film theory, namely male gaze, male voice and female subjectivity, and with the help from earlier studies on the portrayal of women in Turkish films, it finds that women in the Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix are overall portrayed in more passive ways than men, that the female characters often play a supporting role as compared to the male characters and that the concepts from feminist film theorists can still be applied to recently released films. Some films in the corpus however also contain feminist themes and elements, such as female protagonists and female characters that are not occupied with a search for love, but focus on their own personal development. This study concludes that while women are overall not portrayed in a positive way in the corpus, these feminist themes show a promising development that will hopefully continue in the future.Show less
Child marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that ...Show moreChild marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that "only poor people marry their daughters off at an early age". To what extent are girls protected by their countries laws, and are the underlying causes the same in the three countries or are there significant differences?Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
The goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their...Show moreThe goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their status in the society of Istanbul. The analyses will be based on a set of letters of written by Sophia to her daughter Elpida who moved from Istanbul to Netherlands in 1954. In addition to these letters, other sources of data include interviews of five Istanbul Greek women, information from the Society of Greeks of Istanbul and books that have collected testimonies, newspaper articles and report of the Greek consul and speeches of Turkish officials. It can be concluded from all these source materials that the Greek women of Istanbul were unequivocally influenced by the political events of 1940’s, 1950’s and 1960’s in distinctive ways.Show less
This thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization...Show moreThis thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971. In doing so, it analyzes the debates on and about Maoism within the intellectual field around the journal Proleter Devrimci Aydnlk (Proletarian Revolutionary Enlightenment, PDA). This thesis divided into three parts, The first part assesses how Maoism sprawled from China and reached the rest of the world, included Turkey. The second part assesses why Turkish leftist group adopt Maoism and the establishment of the Maoist Journal of Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık. The third part, “Debating Maoism in PDA Journal”, will deal with how Maoism was interpreted by Turkish leftists from 1969 to 1971, through an analysis of the Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık journal and other related leftist journals.Show less
In the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and...Show moreIn the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and socio-ethnic conflicts were widespread. In this setting, Turkish asylum seekers belonging to Christian minorities became a source of controversy within the German Federal Ministry of the Interior. This thesis looks into the dynamics of asylum politics through analysing primary sources from the Federal Ministry of the Interior that depict the most important intergovernmental, federal and societal governance actors who either argued in favour of or against the admission of this specific group of asylum seekers. Their interplay is examined with the help of four main concepts under the umbrella of the gap hypothesis, which explain why the Christian asylum seekers were granted a right to stay in the long run although their asylum applications were first rejected: The liberal paradox of democratic states and the difficulty of interpreting the right of asylum gave room for multiple actors negotiating the case. Eventually, the positively constructed social class of the asylum seekers enabled the political realm to reach consensus to smartly settle the liberal paradox with a generously applied hardship regulation.Show less
Parallels have been drawn between a catholic marriage and the relationship between the EU and Turkey. Every time the relationship appears to be on the brink of divorce a closer step towards Turkey...Show moreParallels have been drawn between a catholic marriage and the relationship between the EU and Turkey. Every time the relationship appears to be on the brink of divorce a closer step towards Turkey's accession is made. In this sense, the EU-Turkey relationship is in historical institutionalist terms path dependent. The institutionalisation of this relationship has meant that divorce incurs a high cost and is, therefore, unlikely to happen. Theoretical explanations have been given for and against Turkey's accession, but these are unable to explain the fluidity of this relationship. Concentrating on history and how arguments are historically and contextually conditioned, this thesis incorporates a historical institutionalist framework to explain the decision-making by the EU in deepening its path dependent relationship with Turkey in order to aid in understanding EU enlargement and in particular Turkey's EU accession process. Two critical junctures of the periods from 1997-1999 and 2011-2016 will be analysed to reveal the central elements which explain the EU's decision-making. This analysis will examine EU documents concerning Turkish accession such as presidency conclusions, statements of the EU Heads of State or Government and international agreements between Turkey and the EU. In addition, this research will also draw on the already existing academic literature and use statements from the media and from leading figures to reflect on Turkey's accession. Through using a historical institutionalist approach this thesis makes an original contribution in arguing that Europe's enlargement approach has become vulnerable to reverse conditionality, fostering a path dependent relationship. The EU sees Turkey as a strategic ally rather than as an equal partner. Enlargement in the case of Turkey was initially used to incentivise Turkey to cooperate and has, therefore, been the EU's most powerful source of leverage. However, this use of enlargement has made the EU vulnerable to the implementation of reverse conditionality. As soon as accession loses its significance divorce could be immanent unless the couple can find a compromise to settle on a different kind of relationship.Show less
The overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it...Show moreThe overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it is crucial for the standard of living for Syrian refugees and eventual return to Syria to be adequately documented. Complex civil registration systems in the host countries, however, often prevent Syrian refugees from obtaining civil documentation, thereby expanding the problem of the lack and loss of civil documentation of Syrian refugees. This thesis examines the different civil registration systems and their consequences for Syrian refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon through an in-depth analysis focusing on legal status, marriage and birth registration. This thesis argues that the difference in implemented civil registration systems is determined by each host country’s social, political, and economic situation before and during the Syrian refugee influx and the extent to which the Syrian refugees have impacted the country, positively and negatively. In Turkey, the government has adopted a temporary protection regime, which includes refugee-sensitive civil registration systems. However, in Lebanon and to a lesser extent Jordan, Syrian refugees are still facing many challenges trying to obtain civil documentation due to the complex civil registration systems. As the eight years of hosting refugees has turned out more harmful than beneficial for the host countries, discussions on the return of Syrian refugees has increasingly become louder. However, a lot of change is still required to ensure that Syrian refugees are adequately documented.Show less
On 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular...Show moreOn 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular migration from the Aegean Sea towards the European Union. Yet, concerns have been raised regarding the compliance of the EU – Turkey Statement with human rights. Human rights have to be respected in the EU member states as well as in Turkey. When Turkey does not respect these rights, it cannot be considered as safe. As long as Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country, the EU – Turkey Statement will violate the law of the European Union. This would not only have consequences for the current Statement, but also for similar statements conducted in the near future in which the EU – Turkey Statement might serve as a blueprint for human rights violations. To that end, the aim of this thesis is to examine the compatibility of the EU – Turkey Statement with international and European law, based on human dignity, the right to asylum, the principle of non-refoulement and the assumption of Turkey as a safe third country. The legal examination resulted in the main findings that the EU – Turkey Statement shows malfunctions on the upholding of human rights in the European Union and that Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country. This because Turkey is part of the Geneva Convention with geographical limitation, the absence for non-Europeans to be granted with asylum in Turkey, a history of violations concerning the non-refoulement principle and serious concerns for inhuman or degrading treatment. In other words, the EU – Turkey Statement is not in accordance with European law and does not safeguard human rights.Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
The EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s asylum policies which is achieved through the conclusion of agreements between the Union and third countries regarding asylum processes. It allows the EU to maintain control over entries into its territory and the asylum process, yet questions have arisen regarding its ability to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and provide respect for fundamental human rights. Under Article 80 TFEU, Union policies are to be governed by the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing within the European Union and in its relation to the wider world. The EU-Turkey Deal implies Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country on the basis of Article 38 of the Asylum Procedure Directive under the Common European Asylum System. A failed military coup, a violent breakdown and a refugee population of 2.8 million people of which most are without basic needs all hint toward Turkey’s inability to be designated a Safe Third Country. Many angles to the EU Turkey Deal have been examined, except for its conformity with international and European law. This is where this research paper comes in. It examines Turkey status as a Safe Third Country and investigate its conformity with and ability to uphold the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing and provide respect for fundamental human rights. To that end, this research paper analyses primary legal sources combined with NGO reports to deconstruct Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country. An argumentative legal dogmatic methodology examines whether Turkey was in compliance with obligations arising out of international, European and Turkish legal sources. The findings of this analysis are combined with the analysis of the most important court cases of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Justice and NGO reports. This research papers’ main finding is that Turkey cannot be designated as a Safe Third Country and that the Deal violates international and European law. This because Turkey is in breach of three essential requirements to be designated a Safe Third Country; it does not respect the principle of nondiscrimination, it does not respect the principle of non-refoulement and it does not provide for access to the asylum procedure. This results in an inability of the Deal and Turkey to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and to provide for solidarity and responsibility sharing.Show less
In the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was...Show moreIn the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was dedicated to its reform process for the purpose of EU accession. As the EU views itself as a normative power, and it had been relatively successful in advancing minority rights in the CEECs, why had it not been able to do the same in Turkey? This thesis researched: why was the EU unable to advance the Aramean property cases during the height of Turkey’s accession negotiations (2005-2011)? It tested this question based on Nye’s (2008) use of smart power, wherein public diplomacy plays a central role. Additionally, it tested Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier’s (2004) application of carrots and sticks in the case of EU accession. It found that, with regard to Turkey in the Aramean property case, the EU failed to engage in public diplomacy and lacked credibility to effectively apply its carrots and sticks against Turkey.Show less
