Among the groups of civilians caught up in civil war, internally displaced populations are often assumed to have little say about their courses of action. In particular, current theoretical...Show moreAmong the groups of civilians caught up in civil war, internally displaced populations are often assumed to have little say about their courses of action. In particular, current theoretical accounts of civilian agency in civil war expect that, when facing high levels of violence, civilians can choose between staying or leaving their communities, and only if they stay, they can choose to resist against armed groups. This thesis challenges that these choices are always so clear-cut. Relying on secondary sources, it investigates how populations in northern Guatemala combined displacement and resistance during the most violent period of the Guatemalan Civil War. More generally, this thesis proposes that short-time horizons (civilians’ belief that displacement will be temporary), harsh living conditions that require cooperation during the early moments of displacement, and shared negative perceptions towards one or more armed groups, might lead civilian population towards the organization of collective resistance while being internally displaced.Show less
In conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to...Show moreIn conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to explain civilian victimisation through food security. However, the effect of crop pests and diseases on violence against civilians has not been studied, despite the large proportion of worldwide crop loss caused by these factors. This study theorises that these pests pressure the local food supply and thus force armed groups to use violence in order to obtain their necessary resources from the local population. This results in the hypothesis that the occurrence of plant pests in an area increases the risk of violence against civilians by non-state actors. Specifically, this study focuses on the effects of locust swarms in four African countries: Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya. The hypothesis is quantitatively tested using both OLS regression and negative binomial regression. A positive correlation between locust swarm occurrence and violence against civilians is found, which holds up against both fixed effects and specific control variables. This new finding suggests that the occurrence of locust swarms shortens the time horizons for cooperation between rebels and the local population, incentivising rebels to quickly gain resources using violence rather than engaging in long-term, more peaceful cooperation.Show less
Through the case study of the NPFL in Liberia, this thesis explains why some rebel groups are able to transform to a successful political organization after conflict, and others are unable to do so.
Due to climate change and rising temperatures, the world is more often facing extreme weather conditions like drought. Such conditions of water scarcity especially cause problems in countries...Show moreDue to climate change and rising temperatures, the world is more often facing extreme weather conditions like drought. Such conditions of water scarcity especially cause problems in countries dependent on agriculture, where failed harvests can cause negative income shocks and grievance development, influencing conflict. Focusing on the relationship between conflict intensity and water scarcity, this research explores the case of the Syrian civil war from 2011-2017, finding that over-time differences in temperatures can explain monthly variations in number of deaths. This research thereby confirms the fact that rising temperatures can lead to more intense conflict and concludes with brief discussion of policy recommendations to tackle drought-related conflict.Show less
The war in Yemen and the involvement of Saudi Arabia receive little academic and societal attention. This thesis sought to analyze the strategies of Saudi Arabia by comparing them to the well...Show moreThe war in Yemen and the involvement of Saudi Arabia receive little academic and societal attention. This thesis sought to analyze the strategies of Saudi Arabia by comparing them to the well-documented American intervention in Afghanistan. This results in the following research question: to what extent are Saudi Arabia in Yemen and the US in Afghanistan strategic in their approach to successful counterinsurgency? Based on five basic principles of COIN, the research found that both states were not strategic in their respective interventions.Show less
In the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the...Show moreIn the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the implications of women for armed groups perceived legitimacy. To fill this gap, this thesis explores the Women’s Protection Unit, which received worldwide media attention in their battle against the Islamic State, as a single case study. This thesis examines the Western perspective towards these women combatants by employing a qualitative content analysis of 43 Dutch newspaper articles. The results reveal that the media uses stereotypes about gender by framing these women combatants as non-aggressive, weaker, and less threatening than the male combatants of the Islamic State. As a result, the media legitimizes the use of violence of the female combatants as they need to protect themselves. Besides, the media glorifies the women of the YPJ by pointing out their fight for Western values, namely equality. Consequently, this thesis posits that the way the media frame the women combatants and their opponent, the Islamic State, favours the legitimacy of the armed group, the Women’s Protection Unit.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed...Show moreThe thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed is: why is Hezbollah stepping in the Syrian civil war? What is the relation between this decision and the group’s identity that has been continuously constructed and re-constructed in the past 30 years? Moreover, is the relationship between the decision to go to war and Hezbollah identity construction linear? Can the conflict in Syria affect, or even re-shape the construction of Hezbollah’s identity? How does this comply (or disconnect) with Hezbollah’s own ideas about self and role in the serves in the region? The paper analyses the relation between the identity construction and the decision to go to the Syrian war, and based on this example draws a conclusion that the relationship between the two is rather reciprocal than linear.Show less
Master thesis | Classics and Ancient Civilizations (MA)
open access
After the death of Commodus in AD 192, the Roman Empire briefly descended into a tumultuous period where Emperors were murdered and civil wars were fought. But how tumultuous was this period,...Show moreAfter the death of Commodus in AD 192, the Roman Empire briefly descended into a tumultuous period where Emperors were murdered and civil wars were fought. But how tumultuous was this period, exactly? Could it be noted as a crisis? By examining how the numismatic and historiographic representations of the Emperors in the period AD 193 - 197 differ of those of Emperors in more peaceful time, this thesis discusses whether this period can be seen as a 'crisis'.Show less
The Colombian case is an unique one to study. Classified as a middle-income country, its GDP is considerably higher than that of most countries receiving Official Development Assistance (ODA)....Show moreThe Colombian case is an unique one to study. Classified as a middle-income country, its GDP is considerably higher than that of most countries receiving Official Development Assistance (ODA). However, Colombia has been severely taunted by political violence, civil war, and problems related to drug trafficking throughout modern history. After Syria, it is the country with the largest amount of refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the world. As recently as 2016, a Peace Agreement has been signed to end the civil war between Colombia’s government, various insurgent groups, and the paramilitaries. Therefore, effective ODA is now more vital than ever to rebuild the country and make sure everyone gets equal opportunities to improve themselves and their livelihoods. This thesis will assess the development process in Colombia in a context of civil war and drug-related violence, and will attempt to make valid recommendations regarding how to make the implementation of ODA more effective.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
open access
This Bachelor-thesis focuses on the development of the Afghan state since the regime of the Taliban was toppled by the invasion of the United States. This thesis explores the notion that...Show moreThis Bachelor-thesis focuses on the development of the Afghan state since the regime of the Taliban was toppled by the invasion of the United States. This thesis explores the notion that misconceptions about the manner in which the regime of the Taliban governed Afghanistan have contributed to the ongoing violence and unrest that plagues Afghanistan until this day. Firstly, the functioning of a state is examined through the works of Michel Foucault and James Scott. This provides the framework in which the regime of the Taliban and the government of Hamid Karzai are analyzed. The concept of a 'failed state' as outlined by Noam Chomsky and others is used to examine to what extent the pre 9/11 Taliban-regime as well as the post 9/11 government of Hamid Karzai constitute a 'failed state'. This thesis argues that by determining that the Taliban controlled a 'failed state', the approach of the US and NATO forces used to occupy Afghanistan and build a democratic state has failed. The idea of the Taliban as a movement that did not develop state institutions or govern Afghanistan has resulted in a lack of development of state institutions by western forces. The United States and its allies believed that holding democratic elections without developing the capacity of the state would result in a stable Afghan state. This thesis argues that the Taliban was not, like many believed, simply a barbaric Islamic fundamentalist movement that presided over a 'failed state'. Rather, it is argued that the Taliban by pacifying large parts of the country, implementing a system of Islamic law and developing institutions to exert its power, governed a territory that did not wholly constitute a 'failed state'. The developments in Afghanistan can not be accurately described without analyzing the foreign policies of the Soviet Union, the United States and the neighboring countries towards Afghanistan during and after the Cold War. The spread of Islamic fundamentalism from the 1980's onward is also essential. Authors such as Ahmed Rashid and Thomas Barfield provide the accounts of these policies and developments. When the rise of the Taliban is set in the historical developments that had taken place and by taking the policies of the neighboring countries into account, an image of the Taliban as a government presiding over a state which functions to a certain extent emerges. The thesis link the misconceptions about the Taliban to Edward Said and his notion of Orientalism. Cases are analyzed which show that the Taliban can be viewed as a calculating and pragmatic movement, rather than a barbaric fundamentalist movement. Mullah Omar claimed in 1996 to be the 'Amir al-Momineen', the 'Commander of the Faithful' and therefore the rightful successor to the prophet Muhammed. Many voices in the West see this as proof of the Taliban constituting a fundamentalist movement with an erratic leader. This thesis argues that this was a calculated move by the Taliban in order to present themselves as the movement with the legitimate leader that would steer the country away from the tribal and ethnic struggles which had destroyed Afghanistan, despite being at its core a mainly Pashtun-movement which had incorporated many Pashtun tribal codes in its version of Islamic law. Incorporating many aspects of the Pashtun tribal codes can also be seen as a pragmatic policy in order to be able to govern the mainly Pashtun south of Afghanistan. This contradicts the image of the Taliban as a barbaric movement implementing a version of Islamic law which is rejected by the entire population. Another case this thesis explores using various authors is the destruction of the giant Buddha statues in Bamiyan. The world reacted to this with disgust and blamed the strict Islamic policies of the Taliban and described the movement as being ignorant about the outside world. This thesis argues that the decision to blow up the statues was a calculated reaction of the Taliban to not being recognized by the world community with the exception of Pakistan, Saudi-Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan and that the movement was very much aware about its position in the arena of international relations. The occupation of American and NATO forces without developing the Afghan state created a situation in many regions of the country, especially in the south and the border area with Pakistan, where a functioning system that had been in place during the reign of the Taliban was not replaced by another system or the presence of the government. This has resulted in the reemergence of the Taliban as a rival to the power of the state in present day Afghanistan and through this, the present government of Afghanistan shares many features of a 'failed state'.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
Recent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations...Show moreRecent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations and observations of civil wars in the post-Cold War era. On one hand, micro-level inquiries of civil wars concentrate on the importance of local issues in civil war environments and call attention to the fact that such local considerations are usually more important in participation and picking sides than past research assumed. On the other hand, the binary perception of civil wars also challenged by the increase in the number of symmetrical non-conventional (SNC) civil wars, fought mainly in multiethnic states and by actors with balanced, yetmutually low military capabilities. I argue that in this type of warfare actors feel less compelled to realign along the main cleavage of the conflict as it has been shown by research on the fluidity of groupallegiance in such wars. By looking at the cases of the Armenian community during Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war and the Baggara tribes of South Darfur in the Darfur conflict since 2003 I argue that SNC wars provide a good chance for pursuing neutral strategies. I argue that these neutral strategies are shaped by the values of two variables: the cohesion of the political leadership of the group and the relation between local intercommunal and supralocal national cleavages.Show less
