Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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The thesis aims at situating "The Coconuts", one of the first Sino-Indonesian Chinese language works of fiction published in book form, by Zheng Tufei, in the history of Indonesian and Chinese...Show moreThe thesis aims at situating "The Coconuts", one of the first Sino-Indonesian Chinese language works of fiction published in book form, by Zheng Tufei, in the history of Indonesian and Chinese literature, by analyzing the main themes approached, the typologies of characters, the language and style, and the ideas promoted, in comparison with different bodies of literature (Malay, Indonesian, Sino-Malay, Sinophone, Chinese). The thesis also makes an account of all the biographical and bibliographocal data about Zheng Tufei available so far.Show less
Comparison between four case studies about Dutch colonial violent conflicts in Indonesia, also questioning the need for a separation in the colonial historiography of the Netherlands between the...Show moreComparison between four case studies about Dutch colonial violent conflicts in Indonesia, also questioning the need for a separation in the colonial historiography of the Netherlands between the VOC and the post-VOC colonial period.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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This thesis explores how digital representations of Indigenous movements influence the political outcomes of these movements in settler colonies. Since the beginning of its development, digital...Show moreThis thesis explores how digital representations of Indigenous movements influence the political outcomes of these movements in settler colonies. Since the beginning of its development, digital technology has been utilized by Indigenous people to connect, share and learn but also to advocate. Historically indigenous people have been demanding recognition and indigenous rights, and in the current digital age, this fight has partly moved to the digital sphere, on social media. Here, Indigenous people are less dependent on mainstream media and their prejudices and can spread their perspectives on their struggles and what it means to be Indigenous. I look at the political effects of this new form of activism by analyzing three different case studies. Two of the cases are located in Canada, Idle No More and MMIWG (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls), and the third is situated in America the NoDAPL movement. These cases show that the use of social media can shift power relations between governments and Indigenous movements and that Indigenous people have more control over how they are portrayed. Though, this thesis also shows the weaknesses of using social media as a activism strategy.Show less
The term “Latin America” is used as the common denominator that encompasses a large region with several countries whose traditions, language, and colonial background share a set of common...Show moreThe term “Latin America” is used as the common denominator that encompasses a large region with several countries whose traditions, language, and colonial background share a set of common characteristics. The paper explores the meaning of Latin American archaeology through the examples of Peruvian and Argentinian national archaeologies—the historical development of both countries and their respective archaeologies from the Colonial period to the present. The countries are first analyzed separately with a focus on their socioeconomic status and the influx of foreign theoretical trends and their impact on the development of archaeology within the context of colonialism and post-colonialism. At the beginning of the twentieth century the focus shifts on onto the “functioning” of archaeology through its legislative frameworks, university training programmes, and public archaeology. These elements are used to compare the archaeologies of Peru and Argentina to reveal their characteristic, and potentially the way in which colonialism and subsequent historical events pushed the development of archaeology. Four cases are presented with the intention of providing insight into how the theory is applied in practice. It was concluded that the pre-colonial history of the countries and their subsequent treatment significantly impacted the development of two markedly different national archaeologies who appear similar in theory but diverge in practice—when the current situation of archaeological practice and the most rudimentary elements keeping “Latin America” together are put into perspective, the archaeologies of the two countries appear to have less in common than they do at first glance.Show less
The interwar period saw the rise of the European metropolis as 'hubs' of transnational anti-colonialism. This thesis focuses on the city of Amsterdam as one of these hubs and adds a spatial...Show moreThe interwar period saw the rise of the European metropolis as 'hubs' of transnational anti-colonialism. This thesis focuses on the city of Amsterdam as one of these hubs and adds a spatial approach to the historiography of the European anti-colonial 'hub'. Researching anti-colonial internationalism from a spatial perspective gives new insights into the interconnectedness of internationalism and specific sites. Transnational organizations and actors who formulated and propagated ideas on anti-colonialism were always grounded in spatial contexts. The approach to space and spatiality in this thesis is inspired by the research project ‘Conferencing the International: A Cultural and Historical Geography of the Origins of Internationalism, 1919-39’, which ran between 2015-2020 and was funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). This project approached internationalism from a geographical perspective, studying how divergent forms of internationalisms manifested themselves in international conferences in the interwar period. Informed by both the research project, the book Placing Internationalism, and the project’s virtual exhibition, this thesis examines the relationship between transnational anti-colonialism and the spaces of anti-colonial activity in Amsterdam.Show less
This thesis studies the way in which colonists and revolutionaries defined the value of the French Revolution and its relation to the colonies. It does so by looking at the issue of citizenship for...Show moreThis thesis studies the way in which colonists and revolutionaries defined the value of the French Revolution and its relation to the colonies. It does so by looking at the issue of citizenship for free people of colour in Saint-Domingue. This question was central to the colonial debate between the colonist lobby, the Club d’hôtel Massiac, and the revolutionaries of the Société des Amis des Noirs. Both these pressure groups used the press to influence the public. A look at some of the relevant newspapers shows how revolutionary discourse developed throughout 1790 and 1792 and how colonial events were shaped in the narratives of the Revolution. By reconstructing this colonial debate in the press, this thesis argues that the colonial question became an essential part of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary ideologies throughout the years 1790-92. In these two years, revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries appropriated the colonial issue in their developing political identities. Questions of colonial reform changed from pragmatic considerations in 1790 to an ideological struggle between revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries in 1792. The integration of the colonial question in revolutionary narratives was stimulated by domestic developments and by the complex connection between metropole and colony. The discourse in the press showed how much the colonies affected the development of ideologies and narratives in the French Revolution and how the colonial issues were appropriated in pre-existing discourses in France. Despite recent attention to the impact of the Haitian Revolution, little is known about the French reaction to the events on France’s most important colony. However, as this thesis argues, the colonial debate was essential to the experience of Revolution.Show less
During the Scramble for Africa, Liberia was one of only two African countries to remain independent. This thesis shows that the United States used its influence to deter France and Britain from...Show moreDuring the Scramble for Africa, Liberia was one of only two African countries to remain independent. This thesis shows that the United States used its influence to deter France and Britain from encroaching upon Liberian territory during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, and that increased British and French aggression during the Scramble forced the US to abandon its traditional policy of diplomatic intervention and resort to unprecedented measures that potentially neglected the Monroe doctrine and reinforced a suzerainty-like relationship between the US and Liberia.Show less
This research considers the manners in which the social value of two photographs can be understood in relation to their placement as part of an album in 1905 and part of the Nederlands Nationaal...Show moreThis research considers the manners in which the social value of two photographs can be understood in relation to their placement as part of an album in 1905 and part of the Nederlands Nationaal Archief in 2021. Through a varied conceptual framework, visual analysis of the photographs, historical research, and archival research, different uses, presentations and spheres of circulation are shown to have influence on the way these photographs are valued. The study concludes with a critical reflection of these photographs as objects of historical study and leaves an open ended conclusion for the dispute and addition of further research.Show less
Why do many women feel the constant need to enhance their looks? How do they navigate their way in the beauty regime around them? With the help of interviews and a review of postcolonial feminist...Show moreWhy do many women feel the constant need to enhance their looks? How do they navigate their way in the beauty regime around them? With the help of interviews and a review of postcolonial feminist theories, this Master thesis explores the influences of the patriarchal, modern/colonial, and capitalist regimes on women's body image in Lebanon. Many women in Lebanon use beauty to get ahead since other ways of advancement are limited. The legacy of civil war, economic situation, and the state regime keep gender oppression institutionalized. Beautification is a short-term panacea helping individual women to rise to the top within the existing system, yet fails to address the roots of structural gender-based oppressions.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
