The present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European...Show moreThe present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European perspective, what both of these views have in common and where the differences between them. In the opening section, the results of a literature research are presented, which focuses on academic Arabic sources, articles on the Aljazeera website, and academic publications by West European authors. In this context, various aspects of the phenomenon such as the definition of the term, roots and causes, the role of media and of the political right, and its relation to the anti-Semitism are considered. As example of manifestation of Islamophobia the French head scarf ban is discussed. Comparing the Arabic and the Western European view on Islamophobia, one cannot detect specific differences concerning the definition of the term, albeit the latter appears contested and vague. In contrast, the identified reasons for Islamophobia and the role attributed to media and the political right are controversial and depend very much on the particular perspective involved. While the majority of the Western sources identifies the reason of Islamophobia as the perceived incompatibility of Islam with Western and European values, Arab authors mostly hold Western misunderstanding and lack of knowledge responsible for the phenomenon. They also attribute an essential role to media and the political right in its dissemination. While at least the majority of the Arab sources attribute a positive character to the headscarf, in Western Europe it is frequently understood as symbol of a radical Islam and gender discrimination, therefore justifying its ban. The comparison with anti-Semitism appears to be restricted to the Western European perspective, which is possibly due to the role this phenomenon has played in Europe's history.Show less
For China, 2013 was the year of anti-corruption. The starting point of my research is that anti-corruption is not just a process of punishing political or economic crimes or improving supervision...Show moreFor China, 2013 was the year of anti-corruption. The starting point of my research is that anti-corruption is not just a process of punishing political or economic crimes or improving supervision mechanisms, but also a process to reconstruct the Party’s legitimacy. Therefore, from the perspective of political legitimacy, questions concerning how to tell the story of corruption become crucial. My central research question focuses on (1) what the discursive range of anti-corruption reporting by different Chinese media was and (2) how these narratives related to the Party’s legitimacy.Show less
Master thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (MSc)
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In 2004, Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Theo van Gogh made the anti-Islam film Submission. Four years later, Geert Wilders published his own anti-Islam film, Fitna. These movies were both a reason for and a...Show moreIn 2004, Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Theo van Gogh made the anti-Islam film Submission. Four years later, Geert Wilders published his own anti-Islam film, Fitna. These movies were both a reason for and a consequence of a Dutch sociopolitical climate in which anti-Islam sentiments were widely spread. Using academic literature about orientalism, media and gender, such as described by Edward Said as well as many others, I researched the use of orientalist characteristics in representing Muslims and the Islam in both of these movies, paying attention to the texts, visual aspects and implications of the films, as well as looking at the intentions of the makers and the place of the movies in the wider Dutch context.Show less
Economisch hoogleraren zijn voor journalisten met name vanwege de onafhankelijke duiding een belangrijke bron van expertise. In berichtgeving rondom de financieel-economische crisis (2008-2013) in...Show moreEconomisch hoogleraren zijn voor journalisten met name vanwege de onafhankelijke duiding een belangrijke bron van expertise. In berichtgeving rondom de financieel-economische crisis (2008-2013) in elf landelijke dagbladen worden 250 onderzochte hoogleraren bijna 13.000 keer bij naam genoemd. De journalistieke bronkeuze resulteert in een dominante elite van media-economen. Het zeer selecte gezelschap van vijf economen zorgt voor een kwart van de naamsvermeldingen, slechts twaalf personen voor de helft. De discrepantie tussen expertise zoals gepresenteerd in de media en het academische veld is groots. Geen van de economen in de academische top mag zich onder de veelgevraagde media-economen scharen. In het licht van het onafhankelijke karakter is het opvallend dat negen van de tien meestgevraagde economen een of meerdere relaties heeft met commerciële instellingen. Diversiteit in bronkeuze is onder de dagbladen van redelijk gelijke aard. De Volkskrant slaagt hierin het beste, Metro, De Telegraaf en Sp!ts vertonen grotere afwijkingen. Ten tijde van de economische crisis is sprake geweest van een groot, zichzelf versterkend, matteüseffect. Een elite van deelnemers aan het publieke debat is dusdanig zichtbaar dat zij almaar meer aandacht en macht krijgen toebedeeld. Ook inhoudelijk blijken zij eensgezind: 80 procent van de oordelen over het kabinetsbeleid zijn negatief van aard. De duidingsfunctie is verre van strikt evaluatief: niet de kritiek op een beleidsmaatregel staat centraal, maar de normatieve beoordeling van de uitkomst. De vervaging van de grens tussen de economische en politieke visie vraagt om een andere journalistiek. Een waarin veel kritischer wordt gekeken naar bronkeuze en de kleuring van het economisch publieke debat.Show less
