The thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative...Show moreThe thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative thick description analysis. This work contributes to the field of soft power by conducting a case study: this field is often criticized for its lack of empirical evidence. This topic is important as it posits a causal relationship between Japanese soft power and the differing levels of responses given, showing that soft power has visible and tangible effects. The research question was as follows: what explains the differences in Taiwanese and South Korean support following the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami? Based on the research it was found that many factors, namely nationalism, historical relations, and the individual country’s soft power resources as mediating factors to Japan’s soft power.Show less
Based on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The...Show moreBased on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The term wianbu holds connections to the highly politicised comfort women (wianbu) issue. I argue in this paper that based on similarities of the two cases, it is fair to describe camp town prostitutes as comfort women. In the research I conclude that NGOs have started using the term in recent years to gain awareness for the cause, as to get justice for the lawsuit levelled against the government regarding the government’s involvement in the issue. Conservative media outlets are seen as hesitant to then also use the term wianbu, opting rather for the more neutral kijich’on yŏsŏng (camp town women), whereas more progressive media use Migun wianbu with some regularity.Show less
De Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen...Show moreDe Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen waren van Nederlandse kolonisten. Door middel van een bottom-up benadering van nationalisme richt dit onderzoek zich op de steun die van onderaf ontstond voor de Boeren, zowel als het gaat om liefdadigheidsinitiatieven als om advertenties voor de Boeren en hoe die tot uiting werd gebracht. Concluderend toont dit onderzoek aan dat, ondanks onderlinge verschillen, mensen uit allerlei verschillende zuilen, klassen en hoeken van Nederland steun betuigden aan de Boeren. Het is het bewijs dat het Nederlandse nationalisme was gegroeid en uitgebreid naar gebieden en mensen die buiten de welgestelde, protestantse en stedelijke elite van Holland vielen.Show less
Ilminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings...Show moreIlminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings about Syngman Rhee, and he is often portrayed as a nationalist and staunch anti-communist. However, the part where he tried to promote Ilminjuŭi and how this ideology functioned during his rule, often gets overlooked. Ilminjuŭi has been only a minor focus of studies on Syngman Rhee and his long career of fighting for an independent Korea and for what he thought was right. Most of the existing literature explain what Ilminjuŭi is, who created it, and that Rhee tried to use this idea of creating a single-minded unity during the early years First Republic, before the start of the Korean War. This thesis therefore distinguishes from existing literature by looking at primary sources from Korean news articles during the time of the entire First Republic. The news articles are used to give an idea how Ilminjuŭi was reported through media and how this idea was being disseminated. The ideology seems to have died out shortly after the Rhee period. Therefore, I went on an academic journey to analyze how and where this ideology was most influential, and where was the turning point that led to Ilminjuŭi becoming less influential in Korean society. The research questions of my thesis are therefore, “How was Ilminjuŭi spread and reported through media, and spread by the government during the First Republic?” and secondly, “What were possible indicators that led to the vanishment of Ilminjuŭi?”.Show less
This thesis examines political attitudes towards different groups of migrants arriving in Britain between 1948 and 1971. Specifically, it examines how the creation of the National Health Service ...Show moreThis thesis examines political attitudes towards different groups of migrants arriving in Britain between 1948 and 1971. Specifically, it examines how the creation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 influenced attitudes towards different migrant groups. It pays close attention to racial inequalities comparing the different receptions of predominantly black and brown migrant groups from the New Commonwealth states and the predominantly white migrant groups from continental Europe and Old Commonwealth states. Methodologically it uses a combination of close and distant reading techniques on parliamentary transcripts and civil service records, particularly from the British Ministry of Health. The central finding is that far from migrants being treated with universal scepticism, there was a very clear hierarchy of desirability into which different migrant groups were sorted, and further that this hierarchy was structured around perceived racial difference.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Recent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing,...Show moreRecent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing, causing the country to be among the largest targets of extreme right terrorism within Europe. This study aims to examine the nature of this developing trend of terrorism within Germany between 2015 and 2019. This research will analyse two terrorism datasets to explore the common characteristics of German right-wing extremists, as well as shortly examining the overall terrorism landscape in the country. This thesis argues that the right-wing is the leading source for terrorism in the country. The results add that Germany’s right-wing terrorism experiences an initial spark due to societal changes, and is still predominantly preoccupied with anti-refugee sentiments, a trend which emerged in the mid-1990s. Even though certain right-wing groups are more active than others, there seems to be overlap regarding the motives, targets, and objectives. The nationalist and xenophobic components of the right-wing are also clearly highlighted in the country.Show less
This research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot...Show moreThis research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot communities was reflective of an enduring ethnic conflict between two different cultural communities. Therefore, this research is focused on understanding the ethnic conflict in relation to the rise of Turkish and Greek nationalism. The structure of this research starts by placing the ethnic conflict in its historical context; secondly, the effects of Turkish and Greek nationalism on the both Cypriot communities will be elucidated; and lastly, this research will analyze the ethnic conflict from Kohn's theory of nationalism, which distinguishes two different forms of nationalism: civic and ethnic nationalism.Show less
A brief analysis of two books written by authors who were children during the independence war and nakba of 1948. The two are compared in the way that they present nationalism to children.
This study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism,...Show moreThis study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism, popular nationalism and the shift towards digital nationalism. Furthermore, it explores how Public Relations (PR) work in China and what foreign brands need to be keep in mind when they want to expand their brand to China. A case study will be conducted in this research regarding the PR disaster of Dolce & Gabbana. This case study uses a visual semiotic analysis to analyze D&G Advertisement. The findings of the analyses highlight how a certain sign that is used in the discourse can be received wrong to the Chinese people and to its nation.Show less
The Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese...Show moreThe Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese cultural heritage. Therefore, it supports individuals to do so by rewarding those who step in. Nationalism nowadays is a very important value in Chinese society encouraged by the government. Part of that is also to encourage people to show their nationalism by means of buying art. Donors are also encouraged by the rewards they get for their donations. When an object that has been stolen from China comes up for sale it always attracts a lot of attention in China. This is especially the case when it originates from the Yuanmingyuan, a place connected to the humiliation of China. Many think the sale of stolen objects should be forbidden and if the government does not succeed in stopping the sale, people will try to buy it in order to repatriate it to China. Which can result in a bidding war in which the price reaches unrealistic heights. Individuals outside of mainland have used antiques to construct their Chinese identity and to strengthen their ties with China by among others donating stolen art. This is a way for them to show they support Chinese nationalism. Something that has had an influence on the buying behaviour of the overseas on the Chinese art and antique market. Since the beginning of the 2000s buyers from mainland China with the same purpose have entered the market. This has had an enormous influence on the Chinese art and antiques market. Thus, the Chinese art and antique market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism.Show less
The present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in...Show moreThe present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in anticipation of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. In order to do so, fundamental theories on multiculturalism, nationalism, identity politics, and intercultural communication are first examined and then applied to the literature on the organisation of mega-events—such as the Olympics. The focus being on the case of the coming Tokyo Olympics, this paper has a more in-depth look at the current situation in terms of tourism and multiculturalism—briefly looking at the past Olympics celebrated in Tokyo 1964. Special attention is devoted to perceptions towards immigrants and foreigners in Japan, as well as the approaches and regulations taken by the government in terms of immigration, tourism, and hospitality, particularly regarding demographic and economic challenges. The final findings suggest that both political and social change are strongly interconnected and are equally crucial in achieving the goal of a more welcoming and accessible Olympics.Show less
This thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view of the role prime minister Abe plays in declining press freedom and the relation between declining press freedom and the Japanese broadcasting system. This thesis poses the following research question: To what degree does prime minister Abe’s use of a nationalistic policy agenda influence the rapid decline of press freedom in Japan since 2012, and how does this relate to the Japanese broadcasting system? As opposed to the general academic consensus which puts the blame of declining press freedom almost solely with Prime Minister Abe and his nationalistic tendencies this thesis argues and shows by using gatekeeping theory and identifying the Japanese government as gatekeeper and the Japanese media industry as being gated, that while prime minister Abe is a factor, the underlying problem that allows the decline in press freedom are the several ingrained weaknesses in the Japanese broadcasting system that make it so that officials in power and the government can abuse this to in effect maintain a stronghold over the media regardless of ideology or political position. Such weaknesses include the broadcasting law, ownership of broadcast licensing and the use and abuse of Kisha clubs.Show less
This thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both...Show moreThis thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both microstates and ‘regular’ states is established. A definition of microstates is established, and consequently San Marino is used as a case study to examine micronationalism in an internationally recognized state. The thesis established a framework using leading theorists in the field, including Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, Benedict Anderson, and Tom Nairn. The study concludes that micronationalism is shaped much like nationalism is in 'regular' states, namely through the establishment of national myths and symbols. However, as opposed to Italian nationalism, Sammarinese nationalism arose due to a combination of the rise of nationalism as a paradigm in general, and the exclusion of San Marino from the Italian unification in the mid-19th century.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of...Show moreThis thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of thought such as Social Darwinism and the theory of evolution in early twentieth century Asia, both of them realised the backwardness of Vietnam and stressed the necessity of reform. However, Phan decided to fight against the French while Hoàng chose to collaborate with them. As will be shown in this thesis, both Phan and Hoàng, despite the difference of their political stances, endeavoured to justify their respective propositions by constructing the historic past of Vietnam. As two reformist intellectuals, Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải regarded the introduction of Western civilisation in late nineteenth century Asia as a key moment for the Vietnamese people to get rid of their backward conditions and evolve into a civilised nation. However, they shared different opinions about the nature of this transition of Vietnam. Phan Bội Châu was inclined to view the French invasion as a “Messianic” moment which marked the “rupture” between the past and present in Vietnamese history. In his historiography, Vietnamese society in the past centuries was inherently barbarous, and this barbarousness led to the current backwardness of the country. Meanwhile, Phan Bội Châu, as an anti-French activist, emphasised that the salvation of the Vietnamese nation should never rely upon the assistance of France. He insisted that albeit France was a civilised state, it played an anti-progressive role in the process of Vietnam’s modernisation. Therefore, resisting against the French colonisation naturally became the most important step in the national salvation and rejuvenation. To justify his anti-French proposition, Phan constructed a genealogy of national heroes who, out of their inherent “anti-foreign nature”, participated in the resistance against China’s invasions in the previous millennia. Meanwhile, he included the present anti-French revolution into the glorious anti-foreign tradition of the Vietnamese nation. Hoàng Cao Khải systematically refuted Phan in Việt sử kính and Việt sử yếu. Based on the theory of the transition of models of civilisation, however, Hoàng Cao Khải argued that it was not the inherent barbarousness of the Vietnamese people but the decay of the model of civilisation that Vietnam followed in previous times that resulted in the inferior status of Vietnam in the current international competition. In Hoàng’s narrative, the history of Vietnam is depicted as a gradual and consistent process towards civilisation, in which China, because of its superiority in competition, functioned as the first model for Vietnam to follow and eventually made the later a domain of civilisation. Considering the power of France which had been demonstrated in its recent competitions with Vietnam, Hoàng suggested that France had already replaced China as the new model of civilisation for Vietnam to follow. In the face of Phan Bội Châu’s emphasis on the anti-foreignness of the Vietnamese nation, Hoàng employed the analytical framework of the dichotomy between “universal principle” and “brute force” to analyse those uprisings against the China’s colonisation and argued that most of them were merely contingent responses to inappropriate policies based on the “brute force”. Moreover, by utilising the ideas of Social Darwinism to reinterpret the connotation of “universal principle”, Hoàng justifies the behaviour which employed “brute force” in the process of disseminating so-called “universal principle” and civilisation. Apart from their interpretation of the past, this thesis examines their imagination of the future as well. Based on their discussions about the issue of Champa, it points out the shared “pro-imperial” orientation of Phan and Hoàng in their opinions on the international status of Vietnam after modernisation. That is, neither Phan (despite his anti-colonialist stance) nor Hoàngrealised the underlying nature of the phenomenon of colonialism itself let alone intending to challenge or subvert the current colonial order. The world they envisioned in which a decolonised Vietnam situated is still established upon asymmetrical relations of power.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through the analysis of the political speeches and policies of Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta as the first presidents of Tanzania and Kenya respectively. The public perception of these leaders and their nation-building projects will also be discussed. It is the conclusion of this thesis that Julius Nyerere used both rhetoric and policy to create a unified Tanzanian identity based on core values which led to political stability throughout his administration and beyond. Meanwhile, Jomo Kenyatta failed to create a unified Kenyan identity through policies and rhetoric that divided the country along ethnic lines. These divisions have caused political instability in Kenya both during and following Kenyatta’s presidency. Ultimately, the creation of a unified national identity played a key role in stability in Tanzania and the lack of unity played a key role in instability in Kenya.Show less
This thesis investigates the impact of fascist ideas and practices on anticolonial nationalism in late colonial Indonesia (primarily 1935-42). Focusing on the example of Partai Indonesia Raya ...Show moreThis thesis investigates the impact of fascist ideas and practices on anticolonial nationalism in late colonial Indonesia (primarily 1935-42). Focusing on the example of Partai Indonesia Raya (Parindra) and its youth organization Surya Wirawan, it aims at bringing together disparate historiographies on fascism, anticolonial nationalism, and Indonesian intellectual history. Moreover, it traces the first 'birth pangs' of Indonesian paramilitarism back to the late colonial period, thus arguing against the commonly held view explaining the militarization of Indonesian politics merely as an effect of the Japanese occupation (1942-45). Therefore, this thesis uncovers traces of a 'homegrown' tradition of paramilitarism that drew a considerable part of its inspiration from fascist role models. For the purpose of this study, fascism is applied as a heuristic tool to ask hitherto avoided questions about organizations like Parindra that have long been labeled as 'cooperative' nationalist parties. In doing so, this thesis considers Indonesia as one of the countless (emerging) nations that were receptive to the global fascist hype in the 1930s.Show less
