This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
This research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot...Show moreThis research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot communities was reflective of an enduring ethnic conflict between two different cultural communities. Therefore, this research is focused on understanding the ethnic conflict in relation to the rise of Turkish and Greek nationalism. The structure of this research starts by placing the ethnic conflict in its historical context; secondly, the effects of Turkish and Greek nationalism on the both Cypriot communities will be elucidated; and lastly, this research will analyze the ethnic conflict from Kohn's theory of nationalism, which distinguishes two different forms of nationalism: civic and ethnic nationalism.Show less
A brief analysis of two books written by authors who were children during the independence war and nakba of 1948. The two are compared in the way that they present nationalism to children.
The Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese...Show moreThe Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese cultural heritage. Therefore, it supports individuals to do so by rewarding those who step in. Nationalism nowadays is a very important value in Chinese society encouraged by the government. Part of that is also to encourage people to show their nationalism by means of buying art. Donors are also encouraged by the rewards they get for their donations. When an object that has been stolen from China comes up for sale it always attracts a lot of attention in China. This is especially the case when it originates from the Yuanmingyuan, a place connected to the humiliation of China. Many think the sale of stolen objects should be forbidden and if the government does not succeed in stopping the sale, people will try to buy it in order to repatriate it to China. Which can result in a bidding war in which the price reaches unrealistic heights. Individuals outside of mainland have used antiques to construct their Chinese identity and to strengthen their ties with China by among others donating stolen art. This is a way for them to show they support Chinese nationalism. Something that has had an influence on the buying behaviour of the overseas on the Chinese art and antique market. Since the beginning of the 2000s buyers from mainland China with the same purpose have entered the market. This has had an enormous influence on the Chinese art and antiques market. Thus, the Chinese art and antique market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism.Show less
The present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in...Show moreThe present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in anticipation of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. In order to do so, fundamental theories on multiculturalism, nationalism, identity politics, and intercultural communication are first examined and then applied to the literature on the organisation of mega-events—such as the Olympics. The focus being on the case of the coming Tokyo Olympics, this paper has a more in-depth look at the current situation in terms of tourism and multiculturalism—briefly looking at the past Olympics celebrated in Tokyo 1964. Special attention is devoted to perceptions towards immigrants and foreigners in Japan, as well as the approaches and regulations taken by the government in terms of immigration, tourism, and hospitality, particularly regarding demographic and economic challenges. The final findings suggest that both political and social change are strongly interconnected and are equally crucial in achieving the goal of a more welcoming and accessible Olympics.Show less
This thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both...Show moreThis thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both microstates and ‘regular’ states is established. A definition of microstates is established, and consequently San Marino is used as a case study to examine micronationalism in an internationally recognized state. The thesis established a framework using leading theorists in the field, including Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, Benedict Anderson, and Tom Nairn. The study concludes that micronationalism is shaped much like nationalism is in 'regular' states, namely through the establishment of national myths and symbols. However, as opposed to Italian nationalism, Sammarinese nationalism arose due to a combination of the rise of nationalism as a paradigm in general, and the exclusion of San Marino from the Italian unification in the mid-19th century.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through the analysis of the political speeches and policies of Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta as the first presidents of Tanzania and Kenya respectively. The public perception of these leaders and their nation-building projects will also be discussed. It is the conclusion of this thesis that Julius Nyerere used both rhetoric and policy to create a unified Tanzanian identity based on core values which led to political stability throughout his administration and beyond. Meanwhile, Jomo Kenyatta failed to create a unified Kenyan identity through policies and rhetoric that divided the country along ethnic lines. These divisions have caused political instability in Kenya both during and following Kenyatta’s presidency. Ultimately, the creation of a unified national identity played a key role in stability in Tanzania and the lack of unity played a key role in instability in Kenya.Show less
In the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko...Show moreIn the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko in the first 6 months of his presidency, the second half of 2014. This paper attempts to provide the answer to the following issues, employing critical discourse analysis as the methodology: it examines which form of nationalism, ethnic or civic, is more prevalent in the speeches. Moreover, it identifies the main themes and evaluates Poroshenko´s nation building mission while providing a chapter on the history of these contested forms of nationalism in Ukraine to offer a wider background of the examined issues. This study concluded that the prevalent form of nationalism is civic nationalism and identified anti-Russian rhetoric, the European path and using the war in Donbass as a means of uniting the people as the main topics. However, Poroshenko´s nation-building is defensive rather than proactive. It is largely based on anti-Russian narrative and the current war, but does not offer a viable and sustainable vision of nation-building in a long run, indicating that president Poroshenko is, like his predecessors, unable to resolve the internal division of Ukraine and create a strong national identity which would likely allow Ukraine to improve its economic and political situation.Show less
Although many academics agree nationalism represents one of the main causes of the 1990s war in the Balkans, there remains a clear divide in the opinions of where the emerging nationalism...Show moreAlthough many academics agree nationalism represents one of the main causes of the 1990s war in the Balkans, there remains a clear divide in the opinions of where the emerging nationalism originated from. The thesis works to fill the gap in this debate by focusing on the influence of nationalist leaders on the ideology emerging at the time of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Through the discussion of two methods with which Slobodan Milošević affected the raising nationalism, in the early 1980s and early 1990s, this thesis performs a detailed analysis of the academic theory of 'ancient hatreds' and 'new' nationalism. The paper offers the reader a better understanding of the possible influences nationalist leaders might have on the emerging ideologies.Show less
Of all the conflicts which erupted throughout the twentieth century the Second Sino-Japanese War ranks amongst the most controversial, as it is to this day the source of much debate and deeply...Show moreOf all the conflicts which erupted throughout the twentieth century the Second Sino-Japanese War ranks amongst the most controversial, as it is to this day the source of much debate and deeply affects the dynamics of power in East Asia. After the end of World War II, Japan was forced to abandon its imperialist ambitions as well as many parts of the imperial cult as a sign of scission between Imperial Japan and the post-war modern nation that was to rise from its ashes. Although coming to terms with its troubled past was an essential step for Japan's reconstruction as a modern state and the normalization of its relations with other East Asian nations, in recent years an increasingly nationalist revisionist trend has emerged. This thesis is concerned with examining this Japanese war-memory problem, which is an issue which has grown exponentially in importance in recent years.Show less
The ‘Comfort Women’ issue is an ongoing discourse that continues to shape the unstable relations between Japan and Korea. Since the 1990's, Korean women who were coerced into sexual slavery by...Show moreThe ‘Comfort Women’ issue is an ongoing discourse that continues to shape the unstable relations between Japan and Korea. Since the 1990's, Korean women who were coerced into sexual slavery by Japan during World War II have come forward to fight for recognition of the war crimes committed by Japan. The contestation of various nationalist historical remembering however has sidelined feminist issues regarding the brutality women faced in order to prioritize state nationalism. This article extends McClintock’s critique of the term ‘post-colonialism’ and historical linearity to analyze the restraints of a singular embedded history that does not allow space for other historical experiences to be legitimized. This article examines how the state, organizations, and 'comfort women' survivors propagate a specific historical rhetoric in the redress movement against Japan where they are constrained to a post-colonial ‘condition’ that does not look beyond the nation nor takes into consideration the harm done to women’s’ bodies themselves.Show less
