This paper explores the history of Chinese Shuaijiao (wrestling). The sport has a history that is connected to the development of Chinese nationalism during the transformation of Qing China into...Show moreThis paper explores the history of Chinese Shuaijiao (wrestling). The sport has a history that is connected to the development of Chinese nationalism during the transformation of Qing China into the Chinese Republic. Shuaijiao morphed from an activity which occupied an important position in the Manchu Qing empire into an instrument to promote Republican nationalism.Show less
The Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese...Show moreThe Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese cultural heritage. Therefore, it supports individuals to do so by rewarding those who step in. Nationalism nowadays is a very important value in Chinese society encouraged by the government. Part of that is also to encourage people to show their nationalism by means of buying art. Donors are also encouraged by the rewards they get for their donations. When an object that has been stolen from China comes up for sale it always attracts a lot of attention in China. This is especially the case when it originates from the Yuanmingyuan, a place connected to the humiliation of China. Many think the sale of stolen objects should be forbidden and if the government does not succeed in stopping the sale, people will try to buy it in order to repatriate it to China. Which can result in a bidding war in which the price reaches unrealistic heights. Individuals outside of mainland have used antiques to construct their Chinese identity and to strengthen their ties with China by among others donating stolen art. This is a way for them to show they support Chinese nationalism. Something that has had an influence on the buying behaviour of the overseas on the Chinese art and antique market. Since the beginning of the 2000s buyers from mainland China with the same purpose have entered the market. This has had an enormous influence on the Chinese art and antiques market. Thus, the Chinese art and antique market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism.Show less
The present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in...Show moreThe present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in anticipation of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. In order to do so, fundamental theories on multiculturalism, nationalism, identity politics, and intercultural communication are first examined and then applied to the literature on the organisation of mega-events—such as the Olympics. The focus being on the case of the coming Tokyo Olympics, this paper has a more in-depth look at the current situation in terms of tourism and multiculturalism—briefly looking at the past Olympics celebrated in Tokyo 1964. Special attention is devoted to perceptions towards immigrants and foreigners in Japan, as well as the approaches and regulations taken by the government in terms of immigration, tourism, and hospitality, particularly regarding demographic and economic challenges. The final findings suggest that both political and social change are strongly interconnected and are equally crucial in achieving the goal of a more welcoming and accessible Olympics.Show less
This thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view of the role prime minister Abe plays in declining press freedom and the relation between declining press freedom and the Japanese broadcasting system. This thesis poses the following research question: To what degree does prime minister Abe’s use of a nationalistic policy agenda influence the rapid decline of press freedom in Japan since 2012, and how does this relate to the Japanese broadcasting system? As opposed to the general academic consensus which puts the blame of declining press freedom almost solely with Prime Minister Abe and his nationalistic tendencies this thesis argues and shows by using gatekeeping theory and identifying the Japanese government as gatekeeper and the Japanese media industry as being gated, that while prime minister Abe is a factor, the underlying problem that allows the decline in press freedom are the several ingrained weaknesses in the Japanese broadcasting system that make it so that officials in power and the government can abuse this to in effect maintain a stronghold over the media regardless of ideology or political position. Such weaknesses include the broadcasting law, ownership of broadcast licensing and the use and abuse of Kisha clubs.Show less
This thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both...Show moreThis thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both microstates and ‘regular’ states is established. A definition of microstates is established, and consequently San Marino is used as a case study to examine micronationalism in an internationally recognized state. The thesis established a framework using leading theorists in the field, including Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, Benedict Anderson, and Tom Nairn. The study concludes that micronationalism is shaped much like nationalism is in 'regular' states, namely through the establishment of national myths and symbols. However, as opposed to Italian nationalism, Sammarinese nationalism arose due to a combination of the rise of nationalism as a paradigm in general, and the exclusion of San Marino from the Italian unification in the mid-19th century.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of...Show moreThis thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of thought such as Social Darwinism and the theory of evolution in early twentieth century Asia, both of them realised the backwardness of Vietnam and stressed the necessity of reform. However, Phan decided to fight against the French while Hoàng chose to collaborate with them. As will be shown in this thesis, both Phan and Hoàng, despite the difference of their political stances, endeavoured to justify their respective propositions by constructing the historic past of Vietnam. As two reformist intellectuals, Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải regarded the introduction of Western civilisation in late nineteenth century Asia as a key moment for the Vietnamese people to get rid of their backward conditions and evolve into a civilised nation. However, they shared different opinions about the nature of this transition of Vietnam. Phan Bội Châu was inclined to view the French invasion as a “Messianic” moment which marked the “rupture” between the past and present in Vietnamese history. In his historiography, Vietnamese society in the past centuries was inherently barbarous, and this barbarousness led to the current backwardness of the country. Meanwhile, Phan Bội Châu, as an anti-French activist, emphasised that the salvation of the Vietnamese nation should never rely upon the assistance of France. He insisted that albeit France was a civilised state, it played an anti-progressive role in the process of Vietnam’s modernisation. Therefore, resisting against the French colonisation naturally became the most important step in the national salvation and rejuvenation. To justify his anti-French proposition, Phan constructed a genealogy of national heroes who, out of their inherent “anti-foreign nature”, participated in the resistance against China’s invasions in the previous millennia. Meanwhile, he included the present anti-French revolution into the glorious anti-foreign tradition of the Vietnamese nation. Hoàng Cao Khải systematically refuted Phan in Việt sử kính and Việt sử yếu. Based on the theory of the transition of models of civilisation, however, Hoàng Cao Khải argued that it was not the inherent barbarousness of the Vietnamese people but the decay of the model of civilisation that Vietnam followed in previous times that resulted in the inferior status of Vietnam in the current international competition. In Hoàng’s narrative, the history of Vietnam is depicted as a gradual and consistent process towards civilisation, in which China, because of its superiority in competition, functioned as the first model for Vietnam to follow and eventually made the later a domain of civilisation. Considering the power of France which had been demonstrated in its recent competitions with Vietnam, Hoàng suggested that France had already replaced China as the new model of civilisation for Vietnam to follow. In the face of Phan Bội Châu’s emphasis on the anti-foreignness of the Vietnamese nation, Hoàng employed the analytical framework of the dichotomy between “universal principle” and “brute force” to analyse those uprisings against the China’s colonisation and argued that most of them were merely contingent responses to inappropriate policies based on the “brute force”. Moreover, by utilising the ideas of Social Darwinism to reinterpret the connotation of “universal principle”, Hoàng justifies the behaviour which employed “brute force” in the process of disseminating so-called “universal principle” and civilisation. Apart from their interpretation of the past, this thesis examines their imagination of the future as well. Based on their discussions about the issue of Champa, it points out the shared “pro-imperial” orientation of Phan and Hoàng in their opinions on the international status of Vietnam after modernisation. That is, neither Phan (despite his anti-colonialist stance) nor Hoàngrealised the underlying nature of the phenomenon of colonialism itself let alone intending to challenge or subvert the current colonial order. The world they envisioned in which a decolonised Vietnam situated is still established upon asymmetrical relations of power.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
