Background Conflicts and violence are expected to increase because of stay-at-home orders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Conflicts and violence at home might amplify stay-at-home burden during the...Show moreBackground Conflicts and violence are expected to increase because of stay-at-home orders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Conflicts and violence at home might amplify stay-at-home burden during the pandemic, increasing risk for adjustment disorder. Women might experience conflicts, violence, and stay-at-home burden more likely than men, predisposing them for adjustment disorder. Objective This study aims to investigate whether conflicts/violence predict more stay-at-home burden and adjustment disorder symptoms depending on gender. It is hypothesized that stay-at-home burden mediates the positive association between conflicts/violence and adjustment disorder symptoms. Further, it is hypothesized that gender moderates this positive association between conflicts/violence and stay-at-home burden, with conflicts/violence predicting more stay-at-home burden and adjustment disorder symptoms for women than men. Methods A cross-sectional online survey study was conducted with mostly female and Dutch participants (n = 1883) from July 24th, 2020 until November 15th, 2020. Conflicts, violence, and stay-at-home burden were assessed with the self-constructed survey Burden by Corona Pandemic. Adjustment disorder symptoms were assessed with Adjustment Disorder – New Module 8. A moderated mediation analysis with “PROCESS” macro model number 7 (v4.1) was conducted. Results The moderated mediation analysis yielded non-significant results. Stay-at-home burden was not significantly mediating the positive association between conflicts/violence and adjustment disorder symptoms. Gender was not significantly moderating the positive association between conflicts/violence and stay-at-home burden. Discussion In this study, women did not report more stay-at-home burden and adjustment disorder symptoms due to conflicts and violence than men. Longitudinal studies should investigate how gender, conflicts, violence, and stay-at-home burden can impact mental health long-term during a pandemic.Show less
Master thesis | Classics and Ancient Civilizations (MA)
closed access
Seneca's tragedies contain quite a few horrifying scenes. Seeing such a spectacle, for instance a bloody ritual or a man chasing his offspring with an axe, would cause the spectator to experience...Show moreSeneca's tragedies contain quite a few horrifying scenes. Seeing such a spectacle, for instance a bloody ritual or a man chasing his offspring with an axe, would cause the spectator to experience horror and dread, logically speaking. However, the on-stage recipients of the horror have quite varying reactions to the scenes. This thesis aims to examine these scenes and the reactions to said scenes within a theoretical framework of 'delightful horror', which explains how horror can and should be enjoyed.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
While the SARS-CoV-2 virus, which causes COVID-19, travels fiercely and fast throughout the world, many countries have also seen the growth of other supposedly viral phenomena such as conspiracy...Show moreWhile the SARS-CoV-2 virus, which causes COVID-19, travels fiercely and fast throughout the world, many countries have also seen the growth of other supposedly viral phenomena such as conspiracy theories and fake news. High-speed information sharing between news media providers and users, as well as cross-platform information cascades, have been made possible by social media platforms and digital technology. As a result, conspiracy theories and false information swiftly spread. For this thesis, a meta-analysis will be performed on several studies including new data and experiments related to the COVID-19 crisis. The COVID-19 crisis is a very impactful crisis. It affects every individual in a society. The theory states that there is a relationship between conspiracy theories and political violence. Sitting at home and working can make people experience more stress, anxiety and insecurity, which is detrimental to their mental and physical well-being. The possible consequences can in the worst-case result in physical violence. These are relevant topics, because they can be anticipated in the event of possible new waves or new crisis. This research will show why it is important to pay extra attention during the corona crisis when it comes to conspiracy theories and how they spread on social media. In this way, the results of this research can be used to see the connection better and faster between social media, conspiracy theories and violence.Show less
In the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the...Show moreIn the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the implications of women for armed groups perceived legitimacy. To fill this gap, this thesis explores the Women’s Protection Unit, which received worldwide media attention in their battle against the Islamic State, as a single case study. This thesis examines the Western perspective towards these women combatants by employing a qualitative content analysis of 43 Dutch newspaper articles. The results reveal that the media uses stereotypes about gender by framing these women combatants as non-aggressive, weaker, and less threatening than the male combatants of the Islamic State. As a result, the media legitimizes the use of violence of the female combatants as they need to protect themselves. Besides, the media glorifies the women of the YPJ by pointing out their fight for Western values, namely equality. Consequently, this thesis posits that the way the media frame the women combatants and their opponent, the Islamic State, favours the legitimacy of the armed group, the Women’s Protection Unit.Show less
This thesis discusses the potential connections between hate crime and xenophobia in the United States during the first two years of Donald Trump’s presidency. Drawing upon the academic debate on...Show moreThis thesis discusses the potential connections between hate crime and xenophobia in the United States during the first two years of Donald Trump’s presidency. Drawing upon the academic debate on violence and the potential connections between different levels of violence, this thesis aims to contribute by researching the potential connections between a form of structural violence and a form direct violence. Through an analysis of White House documents and the FBI’s hate crime statistics, this study has sought to discuss the influence of Trump’s political xenophobia towards Arabs and Latinos on the number of hate crime incidents with either Arab or Latino victims. The case studies have illustrated that there is clear correlation between political xenophobia and hate crime towards Arabs and Latinos in the US, as the number of hate crimes towards these group increased after periods of clear xenophobic sentiment from the Trump administration. This thesis, therefore, argues in favor of a broader approach to the concept of violence, as acknowledging the true width of violence in societies is the only way to eradicate it.Show less
On the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had...Show moreOn the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had released a manifesto in which he cited NATO`s intervention of Kosovo in 1999 as one of the motives behind his attacks. However, this was not the sole instance in which Tarrant referred to the Yugoslav wars, as he was listening to the song ""Karadžić, Lead your Serbs!"" (also known as God is a Serb) prior to his arrival to the Al-Noor Mosque. Additionally, the guns used by Tarrant were brandishing the names of several individuals including those of that the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović and Miloš Obilić. These references to Prince Lazar and Milos Obilic are significant, as they are part of the Kosovo Myth and by extension the Heavenly Serbia discourse which are linked to violence within the region, especially towards Muslims. In light of this, the purpose of this paper is to assess to what extent the discourse of the Christchurch shooter is inspired and or connected to the Heavenly Serbia discourse. In order to explore this relationship, this paper applies a critical discourse analysis on The Great Replacement written by Tarrant.Show less
There has been research on the phenomenon of ‘huachicol’, but it has not yet been analysed in direct relation with neoliberalism and the neoliberalization of Mexico. Assessing the crime and...Show moreThere has been research on the phenomenon of ‘huachicol’, but it has not yet been analysed in direct relation with neoliberalism and the neoliberalization of Mexico. Assessing the crime and violence in Mexico in relation to the theory of neoliberalism will add to the theoretical and societal knowledge on the socio-economic, political and security problems that such phenomena bring about. The guiding research question of this thesis is as follows: What does the case of Huachicoleros allow us to understand on the alleged connection between the violence and criminal activity in Mexico and its longstanding neoliberal economic policies (2000-2019)?Show less
This thesis aims to contribute to the conversation started with the aesthetic and emotional turn in IR by adding a sonic lense to the discipline of IR. It addresses the discipline’s structural...Show moreThis thesis aims to contribute to the conversation started with the aesthetic and emotional turn in IR by adding a sonic lense to the discipline of IR. It addresses the discipline’s structural epistemic violence, and proposes a new approach that focuses on healing, in line with Daoist IR, where resonance and the in-between space in the international are the space of the political. However, with a holistic world-view, nothing can be detached from its spirituality. It is therefore that I hope for a third turn in IR: the spiritual turn.Show less
Through a close reading and historical-biographical contextualisation of two eclogues and the introductory poem, “At Toombridge”, in Electric Light concerning poems by W.B. Yeats, I would like to...Show moreThrough a close reading and historical-biographical contextualisation of two eclogues and the introductory poem, “At Toombridge”, in Electric Light concerning poems by W.B. Yeats, I would like to explore Heaney’s and Yeats's opposed responses to violence. I will claim that this response is due to contemporary Irish political upheaval and that both Heaney and Yeats appropriate Eclogue IV by the Roman Poet Virgil to broaden the scope of their claims. This thesis links the marked contrast between Yeats's and Heaney's response to political violence in an Irish context to their interconnected yet very different backgrounds and times. While the selected poems by Heaney and Yeats are imbued with violence, the contrast lies in both poets' treatment of this theme. The chosen poems from Yeats's middle period (the 1910s – 1920s) seem to condone political violence whereas the selected poems by Seamus Heaney published after the 1998 Peace Treaty in Northern Ireland seems to condemn it.Show less
This thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian...Show moreThis thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian leaders change out-group treatment according to the needs of their stability. It is a within-case study, focused on the Coptic christian minority in Egypt. It traces the treatment of Copts under Sadat and under Mubarak. The thesis found that the biggest need or factor in determining out-group treatment is domestic legitimacy. By bringing various theories on authoritarian regimes and minority treatment together, this thesis proposes the stoking fire theory. By allowing violence to be perpetrated against minority groups, regimes stoke a small fire and keep it burning for a regime's own survival. It is the first step in arguing that low-level violence, perpetrated by state and citizen, is used for strategic purposes, as others have argued for mass violence. The insights in the nexus between the three factors (domestic legitimacy, an out-groups refusal to be co-opted and external support) for out-group treatment can help foreign policy makers in determining finding the best timing to pressure regimes for democratization, if that is truly their pursuit, and when to support an out-group without becoming the topic of rumored ‘evil’ relations between out-group and democratic supporter. More importantly, by understanding how their position is used by autocrats, out-groups may better understand their predicament at a given time. Understanding their behavior and the changing needs of an authoritarian regime, they may be better able to see increased violence coming, giving them the chance to defend themselves against it.Show less
This thesis investigates through terminological and historical research violence metaphors used in photography language, such as 'the camera as the gun' and 'the photographer as the hunter.'
In an assessment of Michael MacGarry's work 'Race of Man' I research the element of violence related to whiteness in the light of Galtung's theory about violence, Mbembe's theory of the post-colony...Show moreIn an assessment of Michael MacGarry's work 'Race of Man' I research the element of violence related to whiteness in the light of Galtung's theory about violence, Mbembe's theory of the post-colony, and in comparison to two other works that deal with violence: Mohau Modisakeng's 'Ke Kgamo ya moshate' as related to violence and blackness, and Jane Alexander's 'Butcher Boys' as related to history and apartheid.Show less
This thesis addresses the struggles over land, natural resources, and their corresponding rights in West Papua, Indonesia. The struggles for independence and the territorial conflicts have provoked...Show moreThis thesis addresses the struggles over land, natural resources, and their corresponding rights in West Papua, Indonesia. The struggles for independence and the territorial conflicts have provoked the establishment of an indigenous-based independence movement, which opposes the central government policies and state-deployed security forces. To control the separatist movement, 45.000 Indonesian troops are currently occupying the region. This occupation has been ongoing for half a century. An estimated 500,000 Papuans have died at the hands of the military. All these events were linked to land tenure and land grabbing practices. Special attention is paid to the indigenous Papuans, as they rely on their lands for survival. Any incursion onto their land has created severe problems within and between indigenous communities. This thesis attempts to shed light on current events, the different actors involves and the impacts it has on the indigenous way of life of the Papuans.Show less
Artistic freedom of expression has always been a hot topic both in the West and in the East. It is enough to think about the controversy of Richard Serra against the US government regarding the...Show moreArtistic freedom of expression has always been a hot topic both in the West and in the East. It is enough to think about the controversy of Richard Serra against the US government regarding the removal of Tilted Arc (1981) from the Federal Plaza in New York City in 1989 or the shutting down, in 2017, of the controversial Guggenheim “Art and China after 1989: Theatre of the World” exhibitions featuring abused animals. In the case of China, the issue becomes more complicated, because of what some perceive as the systematic censorship of everything that goes against the government’s narrative and criticizes it. But is this actually always the case? During my research, I encountered the book of a New York art journalist, Barbara Pollack, who for a ten-year long research focused on the Chinese contemporary art market. Here, she discussed the case of artist Wang Qingsong, arrested for pornography in 2006 and Chi Peng, an artist who made naked self-portraits having sexual intercourse in the same period but was reportedly never arrested. The author also reports of a conversation with former head of the National Art Museum of China (NAMOC), Feng Yuan, who specifies the “Four Nos” which would, according to him, always cause the censoring of art in China: “no pornography, no violence, no attacking the government or making fun of political leaders.” From this, a question spontaneously arises: “Why do some artist get censored and others do not, even while violating the Nos in similar ways?” In this research I focused on censored art in the period of the Harmonious Society Policy (2004-2014). Following from this, my research question is “Do censors’ and artists’ discourses from 2004 to 2014 suggest consistency and continuity in the enforcement of the Chinese art censorship or not?” This question’s answer will help define the state of art censorship in China in the abovementioned period, but also its development from the previous decades and into the current state. In order to research this issue, I will have to answer two sub-questions: “What elements of the artists’ and officials’ discourses could have caused the censorship?” This question is aimed at understanding what triggers censorship in controversial cases. The second one is “What elements of the artists’ and officials’ discourses could have helped them in avoiding censorship?” Thus, I will be discussing the possible triggering factors for censoring art works and the elements that saved other artworks from censorship by searching into primary and secondary documents. The case studies are censored and not censored artworks for each policy core concept exhibited in the period between 2004 and 2014. The case studies are solely regarding controversies (or the absence thereof) for artworks exhibited in Mainland China. The case studies are the following: Ren Hang’s Untitled (2012), Liu Wei’s It Looks Like a Landscape (2004) on the topic of pornography, Zhang Huan’s Giant no. 1-2-3 (2008), He Yunchang’s One Meter of Democracy (2010), for the topic of violence and Cao Fei’s RMB City: a Second Life City Planning (2007) and Zhang Dali’s Second History: Chairman Mao Reviews the Red Guards, 1966 (2005), regarding political criticism.Show less
Colombia has experienced outstanding levels of violence in the past decades due to the internal armed conflict in which various illegal armed groups participated. One of these was the United Self...Show moreColombia has experienced outstanding levels of violence in the past decades due to the internal armed conflict in which various illegal armed groups participated. One of these was the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC, Autodefensas), the umbrella organisation of the pro-state, right-wing paramilitaries that developed close ties with state agencies and politicians. These corrupt networks, known as parapolitics, not only provided protection and economic benefits to the paramilitaries but also allowed them to influence the political sphere. Hence, paramilitary-state collusion also shaped the demobilisation process of these structures that occurred between 2003-2006. According to prominent organisations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the flaws of the transitional justice framework under which AUC demobilised, for instance the lack of sufficient investigation, allowed the continuation of paramilitarism. Re-emergent paramilitary structures are now present in 24 out of 32 departments of the country and are continuing shape politics, which also implies the continuation of paramilitary violence. This essay analyses the case of AUC and the re-emerging paramilitary structures to understand how corruption allows the continuation of paramilitary violence and parapolitics despite the demobilisation of the Autodefensas.Show less
Drug-trafficking, corruption and violence are all highly negative phenomena and currently present throughout the Mexican states. In the last years of the twentieth century policies of...Show moreDrug-trafficking, corruption and violence are all highly negative phenomena and currently present throughout the Mexican states. In the last years of the twentieth century policies of decentralisation of the political power began in Mexico parallel to a democratic transition. This led to a change in the already existing corrupt practices within the country. Decentralisation of the government in transitional countries increases corruption, while corruption within public institutions predisposes to less crime reporting due to less faith in the system. The aim of this piece is to explain the persistently high levels of violence caused by drug-trafficking organisations in some Mexican states after decentralisation of the political power. The method chosen for this paper is the use of literary sources complemented by quantitative data, presenting it in tables and then constructing graphs to show the correlation coefficient between the investigated parameters. It was discovered that a higher rate of perceived corruption and a poorer justice efficiency performance could very well explain the persistently high levels of violence caused by drug-trafficking organisations in some Mexican states.Show less
This study examines what the social position of persons with albinism is in Mchinji District, Malawi and how this relates to the situation described by Braathen who conducted research on attitudes...Show moreThis study examines what the social position of persons with albinism is in Mchinji District, Malawi and how this relates to the situation described by Braathen who conducted research on attitudes and beliefs related to people with albinism in Malawi in 2005. At present research that engages with the social and cultural impact of albinism in Africa in general and Malawi in specific appears to be limited and this study contributes to a very limited body of knowledge in the field of albinism in Africa. The aims of this research are threefold: to learn about the views and knowledge of people with albinism and other actors in their social environment (family members, medical personnel, teachers, students and randomly chosen citizens); to explore the relationships persons affected by the condition have with other people; and to create a better understanding of how albinism is perceived in a Malawian context. Based on semi-structured interviews, observations, a newspaper analysis and a survey, this study found out that the social position of persons with albinism in Malawi can be characterised as challenging. Besides physical implications, such as high skin sensitivity and low vision, the condition also has social implications since persons with albinism often face stigma and discrimination from others in society. In addition to these implications that have already been identified in previous studies about albinism in Africa, including Braathen (2005), this research reveals that persons with albinism in Malawi are currently subjected to violence because of the belief that their body parts bring luck and prosperity when used in witchcraft practices. The current study concludes that the social position of persons with albinism has changed significantly during the last decade and that the quality of life of people with the condition is nowadays worse than that of the average Malawian.Show less
