The (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non...Show moreThe (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non-human entity to a moral responsibility framework which is inextricably linked to human nature and moral capacity, which LAWs neither have nor possess. This leaves open a responsibility gap in which it becomes unclear who exactly is responsible for the outcome of the decisions made by LAWs. Although several solutions have been proposed to solve the gap, such as the concept of meaningful control or role-specific responsibility, I find that they cannot sufficiently address the responsibility gap. The concept of meaningful human control is inadequate for the complex and chaotic environment of warfare, particularly when introducing powerful weapons that push the boundaries of human capability. While role-responsibility considers the collective nature of the military and the entire chain of command, it faces challenges in accounting for the problem of many hands and the emergent behavior of autonomous weapons that cannot be directly attributed to a specific part of the system or individual. Especially in a value-loaded and ethically charged environment such as war, where choices regarding life or death are a routine matter, there is no room for obscured responsibility. Without proper responsibility, one cannot justify the introduction of LAWs onto the battlefield.Show less
One year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that...Show moreOne year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that wars are best understood as a means of states to ensure security among states. I argue that domestic considerations matter by stressing the analytical utility of the selectorate theory of war, which argues that state behaviour is best explained by a leader's desire to stay in power through ensuring loyalty by providing public and private goods. Using a qualitative explanatory case study research design, focusing on a single case: the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is found that before the war, Vladimir Putin was facing a crisis of political survival because his ability to ensure support from the elites he depended on and the wider public was increasingly constrained during his presidency due to a persistently stagnating economy. The war strengthened Putin’s political survival because newly acquired territories provide new sources of revenue for Russia’s elites. For the wider public, this study strongly suggests that Putin was aiming for a rally round the flag effect to distract the public at home from deteriorating circumstances and temporarily reduce the demand for public goods. In addition, the war legitimised greater repression, which signals a high cost of expressing discontent with Putin which deters future opposition and serves as a means to purge the elites and the broader public from disloyalty. Understanding these domestic factors that are negated by the purely international explanations of war is crucial for understanding the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. This thesis provides a novel contribution to the literature explaining Russia’s foreign policies by using the selectorate theory of war, a theory that has not been used systematically for explaining Russia’s foreign policy.Show less
Het sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een...Show moreHet sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een periode voordat de VOC een grote rol kreeg in Zuidoost-Azië. Deze scriptie gaat op zoek naar de oorzaak achter de interne conflicten en hierbij zet de spelers in Banten en hun motivaties uiteen. De Bantense conflicten uitten zich langs de lijnen van steeds terugkomende tegenstellingen tussen de havenstad en deShow less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
Russian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades,...Show moreRussian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades, been accepted as a strategic concept into the doctrinal documents of key Western military actors, including NATO and the EU. This paper argues that analysts misinterpret Russia’s operational, context-dependent opportunism in Ukraine as a holistic strategic method. So, in order to examine the extent to which Russian actions in Ukraine are actually strategic and whether the contemporary hybrid warfare concept improves or stifles that understanding, this paper examines the following: to what extent is Russian so-called hybrid warfare in Ukraine strategic? Three key events in the Russo-Ukrainian War are analysed using classical theory on strategy as a guiding framework, making use of a thematic case study analysis. It is shown that Russian actions in Ukraine are classically strategic to a highly limited extent because (1) battle is not always central and (2) Russian political coordination is either absent or opportunistic. Russian actions in Ukraine thus do not indicate a holistically integrated strategic method – which Western observers have eagerly dubbed hybrid warfare. Rather, the reality shows a method of operational opportunism enabled by a permissive political and battlespace-context. Hybrid warfare therefore does not merit adoption as a strategic concept, because it is not strategic. Using hybrid warfare as a strategic concept thus dilutes what we perceive to be strategic – and what we perceive to be warfare – proving the importance of testing new concepts against classical wisdom.Show less
To the modern observer there seems to have been quite a large grey area between private and public warfare in the late middle-ages. It is often quite hard to distinguish between violence committed...Show moreTo the modern observer there seems to have been quite a large grey area between private and public warfare in the late middle-ages. It is often quite hard to distinguish between violence committed in name of a public authority and violence on a private title. This thesis uses a case-study of a violent conflict in the border region between Holland and the Sticht (Utrecht) ca. 1420, to explore if it is possible and useful to distinguish between the private and public elements in late medieval warfare. A large number of the border lords where able to wage war under their own banner for their own goals, and without guidance or direction of the central authority. Based on my findings I argue that private and public forms of warfare went hand in hand in the late middle-ages. Princes where more interested in channelling this violence towards their opponents, than in establishing a monopoly on violence.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt er onderzocht in hoeverre verlies, verdriet, en rouw bij nabestaanden van martelaren uit de Iran-Irak (1980-1988) uit de wijk Aliabad in Zuid-Teheran in Iran overeenkomen met...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt er onderzocht in hoeverre verlies, verdriet, en rouw bij nabestaanden van martelaren uit de Iran-Irak (1980-1988) uit de wijk Aliabad in Zuid-Teheran in Iran overeenkomen met drie niveaus uit de psychodynamische theorie Mourning and Meaning. Deze theorie behandelt verlies, verdriet, en rouw als universele begrippen die overal ter wereld getest en onderzocht kunnen worden, wanneer er rekening wordt gehouden met socio-culturele waarden en normen. Om deze theorie te testen wordt er een veldwerk uit 2007 geanalyseerd waar nabestaanden altaartjes hebben gemaakt om hun dierbaren te herdenken. De herdenkingsaltaartjes staan vol met symbolische objecten waar verlies, verdriet, en rouw in af te lezen zijn. De theorie in combinatie met het veldwerk moet duidelijk maken waarom mensen die rouwen -waar ook ter wereld, maar voor dit onderzoek in Aliabad- handelen zoals ze handelen.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Film- en literatuurwetenschap (BA)
closed access
Aan de hand van een selectie gedichten uit Britse oorlogspoëzie wordt onderzocht hoe in deze werken een keerpunt gezien kan worden in de Britse visie op de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Door middel van...Show moreAan de hand van een selectie gedichten uit Britse oorlogspoëzie wordt onderzocht hoe in deze werken een keerpunt gezien kan worden in de Britse visie op de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Door middel van memory studies en reflectie op contemporaine herdenkingen wordt geanalyseerd hoe deze nieuwe visie nog steeds dominant is in het Brits cultureel geheugen.Show less
This paper includes an analysis of the Milgram Experiment in order to compare the behaviour of both the subjects in the experiment to the My Lai massacre war veterans of the Vietnam War. There is a...Show moreThis paper includes an analysis of the Milgram Experiment in order to compare the behaviour of both the subjects in the experiment to the My Lai massacre war veterans of the Vietnam War. There is a comparison possible, however Milgram has failed to include some aspects of a real life case study.Show less
The prime purpose of this paper is examining the varieties of Orientalist discourse in major Hollywood war movies which simultaneous depict Afghanistan and show favour towards US foreign policy. In...Show moreThe prime purpose of this paper is examining the varieties of Orientalist discourse in major Hollywood war movies which simultaneous depict Afghanistan and show favour towards US foreign policy. In order to draw a conclusion, the methodological framework was set using Orientalist themes from the work of Edward Said as a way of examining the discourse within the sample movies. The first movie examined is Rambo: First Blood III, set during the close of the Cold War. To have variety across the movies’ political landscapes and times, the second examined was the award-winning Zero Dark Thirty, set in the post-9/11 era. The last movie, Lone Survivor, however, was picked in order to challenge my main hypothesis – it is a US war movie depicting brotherhood between the two sides. My main conclusion was that the motive throughout all three movies was the Orientalist mindscape being exploited for military justification of the US wars abroad. Be it supporting or demonising the other, it always had a favourable outcome for US foreign policy rather than being critical of it. Seen from the point of view of art reflecting reality, it serves as a model showcasing how Orientalist discourse can be exploited, thus motivating military operations in the Orient. This in turn amplifies conflict and creates false symbolic imprints on audiences attracted to the genre.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the conventions governing both photojournalism and art with regard to war photography. More specifically, how are conventions in representations of war in...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the conventions governing both photojournalism and art with regard to war photography. More specifically, how are conventions in representations of war in photojournalism interrogated by artists and what conventions in turn govern artistic approaches to war photography? The relationship between art and war photography will be examined in relation to three artworks, which present a complementary approach towards the discussed issues.Show less
A research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful...Show moreA research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful solution to the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh. The period that is researched is from approximately 1988 to 2016. The final conclusion of this master thesis is that non of the actors involved are genuinely interested in finding a peaceful solution. All the actors involved have obstructed a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process over the years.Show less
Since their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population...Show moreSince their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population and undermine their powers in the society. The UN has been an important actor when assisting the victims of rape and they hold the responsability to protect the cvilians. However, they have not completly fulfilled their duties and the DRC remains known as the rape capital of the world. Despite MONUSCO being the largest and most expensive mission of the UN, the congolese populations still live with the fear to endure sexual violence, and its consequences, on a daily basis.Show less
This thesis proposal seeks to assess the legal plight of Afghan refugees who fled to Iran, when the Taliban came into power in 1994-2001. It will investigate the factual circumstances to establish...Show moreThis thesis proposal seeks to assess the legal plight of Afghan refugees who fled to Iran, when the Taliban came into power in 1994-2001. It will investigate the factual circumstances to establish their status as refugees under international law. It will define the role of the Iranian State and its legal responsibilities to refugees. Analysis of the historical facts involving the refugees, and the legal responsibilities of the State of Iran leads to the conclusive findings enclosed. It concludes with recommendations for the State of Iran, how to raise its standard of treatment of refugees within its borders to international human right standards. Most of the Afghans fled to Iran, but also to other neighboring countries such as Pakistan and Uzbekistan. According to Strand and Suhrke (2004) This mass displacement involved 2,3 million Afghans refugees in Iran. As this thesis proposes failures on behalf of the State of Iran it is important to identify the factual conditions refugees were facing in the host country. As, this paper is critically examining how the government of Iran, the host country, dealt with the Afghan refugees during the Taliban reign from 1994 until 2001, It argues laws imposed on Afghan refugees in Iran were disproportionate. This thesis intends to convey how important the refugees could be for Iran and how Iran better could deal with the refugees. It does so, by identifying, facts, legal issues and through analysis and conclusion; proposes international protocols and standards for change.Show less
War brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending....Show moreWar brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending. At times, war is necessary to put an end to destruction and attacks on human life and restore a status quo based on these moral values. Looking at various tools, most notably contemporary just war theory, this master thesis will argue that the Western military powers have a moral right – if not a moral duty towards the oppressed foreign populations as well as their own citizens – to intervene militarily in Syria and Iraq, where the so-called Islamic State spreads fear, chaos and destruction. There is a caveat to this, however. Those who intervene must carefully consider their chances of success and assure a just peace in the wake of the violence that rules there. A just intention is meaningless if the end is not just too.Show less
In 2011 a coalition of states began a military intervention in Libya. The coalition consisted primarily of NATO members, but also included several Arab countries. The justification for the...Show moreIn 2011 a coalition of states began a military intervention in Libya. The coalition consisted primarily of NATO members, but also included several Arab countries. The justification for the intervention was the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1973 which allowed the intervening forces to “take all necessary measures” to protect civilians, but also prohibited an occupying force, meaning the interveners had to focus primarily on an air campaign and the implementation of a no-fly zone. This thesis looks at the British press coverage of the intervention in order to analyse the changing opinions that were displayed regarding Libya. Overall there is a clear trend showing that coverage of the intervention became more negative over time, leading to the current situation in which it is almost universally regarded as a failure.Show less
