Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The thesis analyses grassroots-government interactions in the formation and the development of the dagong 打工 poetry scene of Pearl River Delta in Guangdong province, China. Dagong poetry is a wide...Show moreThe thesis analyses grassroots-government interactions in the formation and the development of the dagong 打工 poetry scene of Pearl River Delta in Guangdong province, China. Dagong poetry is a wide and eclectic literary genre, written by Chinese rural migrant workers, often referred to as Chinese subalterns, who move to the cities to make a living, because of a lack of economic opportunities in the countryside. I use Bourdieu’s theory of the literary field to survey three main types of agents involved the dagong poetry dynamic and its discourse: (1) grassroots activists, (2) party-state-affiliated cultural policy institutions, and (3) intermediaries, meaning various individuals who advance the interactions of (1) and (2), and may be considered as belonging to both groups. By surveying textual sources, including literary journals, websites and public WeChat accounts, and through qualitative interviews with poets, critics, literary scholars and other agents involved in dagong poetry discourse, I provide in depth case studies of some of most important dagong poetry-related persons and organizations in the Delta region dagong poets’ community. The thesis shows that party-state cultural policy institutions play a significant role in formation and development of a literary community that began as a grassroots movement. Their far reaching influence is present in many aspects and is mainly executed through negotiation with grassroots groups, in which a crucial role is played by top-down and bottom-up intermediaries that are very helpful for attracting financial, political and also discursive support for the dagong poets’ community, but also ensure that dagong poetry discourse remains controlled and in line with government’s cultural policy.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
In the midst of the 2019 UK general election, a story broke that an affiliate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling Hindu nationalist party, was openly campaigning for Conservative...Show moreIn the midst of the 2019 UK general election, a story broke that an affiliate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling Hindu nationalist party, was openly campaigning for Conservative Party candidates in forty-eight marginal constituencies. The ideology of the BJP and its affiliates in the Sangh Parivar, Hindutva, has often been treated by scholars as a siloed entity that only affects India and the Indian or Hindu diaspora. Instead, this paper argues that Hindutva has become a transnational, right-wing populist vernacular that is grounded in the UK as a local political discourse through the principal Hindu nationalist organisational network, the Sangh Parivar. So, this paper asks; How has the organization and discourse of the Sangh Parivar vernacularised in the UK and affected the discourse of British politicians? Events such as Modi’s 2014 ascent to power and Brexit (2016) in the UK have facilitated the move of right-wing populist repertoires into the mainstream. This shift simultaneously enables the Sangh Parivar and Hindu nationalists’ growing confidence and organisational visibility. Thus, this paper updates previous scholarship's mapping of the multifarious network of the UK Sangh Parivar, highlighting the importance of identifying the component organisations of the Sangh Parivar to understand the discourse of global Hindutva. Moreover, this paper highlights how right-wing populist and far-right discourses intersect with Hindutva discourses in the UK. Right-wing, far-right and Hindutva discourses are networked in online spaces, such as social media platforms, where the difference between national and international discourses is often blurred. Finally, this paper argues that the activities of the Sangh Parivar have also affected the parliamentary discourse of British MPs. This effect shows the broader impact of Sangh Parivar discourses in the UK, and on other Hindu organisations that seek to represent British-Hindus and Indians. Thus, contrary to what previous research has assumed, the Sangh UK is political. Importantly, the Sangh Parivar UK has also contributed to the development of global Sangh organisations and collaborations. As such, the Sangh Parivar is a multi-polar, multi-directional and diffuse network of organisations that non-Sangh organisations and individuals, such as British-Hindu umbrella groups and parliamentarians, become entwined with. This can best be understood as ‘Sangh International.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis researches whether the apparent similarity that seems to exist superficially between divergence in Chinese ancient character shapes and phonological split holds up upon closer...Show moreThis thesis researches whether the apparent similarity that seems to exist superficially between divergence in Chinese ancient character shapes and phonological split holds up upon closer examination. It concludes that it does not, since it is not possible to frame Chinese character divergence in terms of the straight-forward, systematic patterns found in phonological split. Instead, Chinese character evolution appears to be rather unsystematic and capricious.Show less
Beijeren Bergen en Henegouwen, Gabe Geert van 2015
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis analyses the legitimation strategies of the Chinese authorities on social media platform Sina Weibo during the COVID-19 epidemic. Through a combination of computational and qualitative...Show moreThis thesis analyses the legitimation strategies of the Chinese authorities on social media platform Sina Weibo during the COVID-19 epidemic. Through a combination of computational and qualitative methods, it first highlights how Weibo’s digital design directly benefits central information control objectives. It then builds upon a theoretical model of disaster legitimacy strategies to demonstrate how official media make use of this design in their legitimation strategies. These strategies include age-old and highly familiar nationalistic frames, a recurring emphasis on positive energy, and strategic engagement and disengagement. This combination not only legitimises the authorities’ actions, but also delegitimises critical discourses. Nonetheless, this power is not absolute, and this thesis also presents instances in which actors “within” the system present challenges for the central authorities and force them to manage and re-frame ambiguous discourses.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
Until the present, the history of Chinese bells has mainly been studied through archaeological findings, most prominently Eastern Zhou bell chimes, and serious studies in which bells are the main...Show moreUntil the present, the history of Chinese bells has mainly been studied through archaeological findings, most prominently Eastern Zhou bell chimes, and serious studies in which bells are the main topic remain scarce for periods after the Han. However, bells demonstrably continued to play a significant role in different contexts, most strikingly as a component of Buddhist material culture. Despite the lack of archaeological material for later periods, the importance of these instruments can be deduced from written sources. This thesis traces the history of Buddhist temple bells during the Song dynasty (960-1276), through bell inscriptions that have been preserved despite the disappearance of the majority of the bells themselves. It pays attention to their practical and symbolic functions, as attested in the inscriptions, as well as to the context and local social history of bells, which can be reconstructed from the names that occur in the inscriptions.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The thesis aims at situating "The Coconuts", one of the first Sino-Indonesian Chinese language works of fiction published in book form, by Zheng Tufei, in the history of Indonesian and Chinese...Show moreThe thesis aims at situating "The Coconuts", one of the first Sino-Indonesian Chinese language works of fiction published in book form, by Zheng Tufei, in the history of Indonesian and Chinese literature, by analyzing the main themes approached, the typologies of characters, the language and style, and the ideas promoted, in comparison with different bodies of literature (Malay, Indonesian, Sino-Malay, Sinophone, Chinese). The thesis also makes an account of all the biographical and bibliographocal data about Zheng Tufei available so far.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This paper proposes a new perspective to understand the local self-government movement during the late Qing New Policies era. On the one hand, this new perspective moves beyond the common practice...Show moreThis paper proposes a new perspective to understand the local self-government movement during the late Qing New Policies era. On the one hand, this new perspective moves beyond the common practice of interpreting the local self-government movement as failed state efforts to bridle the local elite by enlisting them into bureaucracy, and instead looks at it from the perspective of local society. On the other hand, it emphasizes the relations between local self-government institutions and other contemporaneous professional associations, like the chamber of commerce, education association, agriculture association, and the anti-opium bureau. To facilitate a comprehensive understanding of the local self-government movement, this paper examines the case in Jiaxing from 1905 to 1914. This period witnessed the whole process of the first wave of the local self-government movement from its start and preparation in the last years of the Qing to its abolition by Yuan Shikai in the Republic. A clear understanding of local power structure is indispensable for researching local self-government. Previous scholars generally draw a line between upper-degree elites and lower elites, urban elites and countryside-based elites, suggesting that there were serious conflicts between upper urban elites and lower elites during the local self-government movement. My research on Jiaxing shows provides corrective to this interpretation. Traditional degrees and lineage were still important, but they were no longer major factors for elite to form establishments, seek support, and construct identity. By participating in various professional associations, Jiaxing elites gradually began to organize themselves along with associations and take action in the name of these associations. The emergence of professional associations was a significant political development in modern Chinese history. They performed many local works independently and often advocated for public benefits, local self-government and a constitutional government, either alone or together with other associations. There were numerous examples of the close cooperation between different professional associations and local self-government institutions. It were the members of professional associations who first promoted and dominated the self-government institutions. For the Jiaxing elites, local self-government was merely one among the many organizations for them to participate in local affairs and exert influence. All these linkages and cooperation between different institutions and associations contributed to a power balance in Jiaxing society in the last years of the Qing dynasty. Public management functions were clearly delineated among various associations whose members were mainly New Policies activists who wished to make the country better and stronger by building local society. There were some peasant uprisings, but during this period the urban-rural conflict may not have been essential in Jiaxing. The 1911 Revolution changed this kind of balanced local power structure among local officials, self-government institutions, and professional associations. Magistrates gradually lost their control of local society, while local assemblies and executive boards became the major decision-making institutions in the first years of the Republic. The clearly delineated functions among self-government institutions, professional associations and local governments were disrupted. Eventually in 1914, Yuan Shikai abolished all of the local self-government institutions.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
One third of the food worldwide goes to waste. This has an impact on natural resources such as water and energy resources. Research on underlying processes of food waste in specific contexts are...Show moreOne third of the food worldwide goes to waste. This has an impact on natural resources such as water and energy resources. Research on underlying processes of food waste in specific contexts are important as it will give insights on how to resolve this issue. Singapore is a country with an high GDP for its region. Because of this developed status, it may be an predictor for other surrounding countries, such as Indonesia and Malaysia. In Singapore, approximately 158 kg per capita per year of food was wasted in 2014. In comparison to Malaysia, which wastes 177 kg food per capita per year, this is a lot: Malaysia is producing food itself, where food is lost. Singapore produces almost nothing itself yet almost equals the amount of food waste. The reasons behind food waste in Singapore come from the love for food and abundance from wealth, in combination with the reflection of government policies on clean and green Singapore. Through fieldwork and literature research, it is found that the Singaporean government is aware of the food wastage problem in Singapore. Not only because of the global impact, but also for reasons of local impact. First, as Singapore is small, limited space is available to use as landfill. Second, the government has, since independence in 1965, sought to show an image of clean and green Singapore, and food sustainability is seen as green. Paradoxically, this image of a clean and green Singapore may also be the pitfall for food waste in Singapore: as Singapore is promoted by the government to be clean and green, this may have its effect on the quality of food consumers want: high quality and no blemishes. However, the Singaporean government has recently started to introduce measures against food waste, in educational campaigns, but also at hawker centres by educating hawkers and introducing food waste recycling machines. The government stimulates other businesses in Singapore to also reduce food waste. Supermarkets and in the service sector have introduced measures to reduce food waste as well. Not only measures in existing business, new business opportunities and charities are found as well through reducing food waste. Rooftop farming, advice business on being green, but also charities. Willing Hearts, Food from the Heart and Food Bank are leading charities that reuse food waste to provide needy with food.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
This thesis has focused on the transition of the 798 Dashanzi factory from 'artist village' to 'art zone' to show the positive and negative effects of the implementation of creative industries in...Show moreThis thesis has focused on the transition of the 798 Dashanzi factory from 'artist village' to 'art zone' to show the positive and negative effects of the implementation of creative industries in the Chinese urban context. I traced its evolution from its origins as an electronics factory, to an appropriation of urban land by artists and workers of the creative field, to an institutionally-accepted and promoted centre for 'creativity' and innovation. This evolution is deeply intertwined with socio-economic factors which the Chinese government supported as vehicles of (urban) development since Deng's 1978 'Open-door Policy': the dismantling of the danwei (work unit) structure; urbanization; the emergence of a real-estate market, and the rise of an urban upper-middle class. In addition, since the mid-2000s and following the explosion of Chinese contemporary art in the global art market, the government has supported the implementation of Culture Creative Industries as a strategy to build Chinese soft-power and capitalizing on intellectual property. If, on the one hand, these policies had indirect positive effects, such as the preservation of former industrial structures and the incrementation of the local economy, on the other hand they had dramatic consequences on the social environments which were subjected to them. In particular, in the case of 798, the artist community that gave rise to the artist village has been dismembered in favour of commercialization and gentrification of the area. Contemporarily to 798, the Caochangdi artist village sprang up as an urban village on the fringes of Beijing and has constituted itself as an independent reality, taking advantage of the semi-regimented rural status and falling into the cracks of Beijing's residential administration system. Thanks to its semi-illegal configuration, it has managed both to take advantage of the new creative policies implementing local economy, and to maintain the local community somewhat untouched by top-down urban rehabilitation. By adopting a perspective from the theories of place-making and place-branding, the comparison among the two artist villages and the analysis of their transformations helped me to stress the importance of the role of communities in the management of these areas.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
This thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was...Show moreThis thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was annexed by Meiji Period Japan in 1879 and is today divided among Japan's Okinawa and Kagoshima Prefectures, formed an important linking bridge between China and Japan, East Asia's two dominant political entities. Based on a close reading and partial translation of relevant passages from several historical documents, most notably the kingdom's two official histories Chūzan Seikan and Chūzan Seifu, the thesis investigates the socio-political shift in succeeding conceptualisations of Ryukyuan kingship, the monarch's political legitimacy, and the country's state doctrine that occurred from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
Contrary to the stereotype that Zhang Shi 張栻 (1133-1181) always followed Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) ideas, this thesis, by examining Zhang’s social origins, socio-political thoughts, and disciples,...Show moreContrary to the stereotype that Zhang Shi 張栻 (1133-1181) always followed Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) ideas, this thesis, by examining Zhang’s social origins, socio-political thoughts, and disciples, argues that Zhang represents a transitional Neo-Confucianism, which is based on exiled bureaucrat and emphasizes military-fiscal skills and state activism. Zhang Shi learning provides an alternative to statism Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021-1086) learning in the Northern Song (960-1127) and typical Neo-Confucianism represented by Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuxuan 陸九淵 (1139-1191) in Southern Song (1127-1279) , which is based on local spontaneous elites and emphasizes the role of society and local volunteerism. The social origin and foundation of this transitional Neo-Confucianism was the former (potential) capital bureaucratic family who were exiled due to the fall of the Northern Song. They took the northern expedition to return to the capital as their goal and gave up the run of their hometowns and the local communities in which they lived. They were skeptical of Zhu Xi’s social program, such as the community compacts (xiangyang 鄉約), the community granaries (shecang 社倉) and private commercial publishing, which later became the typical behavior of Neo-Confucian. Based on the ideas of Mencius (Mengzi 孟子), Zhang Shi developed the theory of “spontaneous disinterestedness” (wu suowei er ran 無所為而然), which underpinned his ideas on the distinction between righteousness/public/king and profit/selfish/hegemon. Though Zhang learning relied on the state, it cut sharply with Wang learning in the aspect of “motivation”. For Zhang, the power of the state was not an end in itself, but rather the state should be consistent with the spontaneous disinterestedness from the heavenly principle. With a particular emphasis on military-fiscal skills, Zhang and his disciples sought to take over the state apparatus left behind by Wang Anshi’s reforms and to make this state act out of righteousness in the hands of Neo-Confucianism gentlemen. Zhang and his disciples proposed and participated in all the northern expeditions during the Southern Song period. However, the northern capital could never be returned, and the number of exiled bureaucrats who were the social base of Zhang learning (and of the Huxiang 湖湘 school in general) dwindled over time. Zhu Xi, who came from a family of low-ranking exiled bureaucrats, found a new world in the local community in the south, and endeavored to transform himself into a member of the local elite, stepping out from behind Zhang Shi. After Zhang’s death, the local students he left behind in Hunan 湖南 and Sichuan 四川 were eventually aborted by the emerging typical Neo-Confucianism (Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan school) that spoke for the local elites. Zhang as a kind of transitional Neo-Confucianism eventually faded from history, completing the transition from the Northern Song learning to the later typical Neo-Confucianism. By reframing this transitional and alternative Neo-Confucianism, this thesis refines the Hymes-Bol’s localism paradigm about the explanation of why and how Neo-Confucianism raised.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
This thesis is a study on how leisure industries operated under semicolonial circumstances in Republican China (specifically between 1919 and 1941). Taking place in Yantai, a medium-sized treaty...Show moreThis thesis is a study on how leisure industries operated under semicolonial circumstances in Republican China (specifically between 1919 and 1941). Taking place in Yantai, a medium-sized treaty port in China’s Shandong province, this study analyzes how leisure, in the form of sex work, was both “sought” and “provided” by different actors. This study specifically zooms in on two of these actors. Firstly, sailors of the United States Asiatic Fleet are analyzed, as this research explores how their intertwining pursuits of drinking alcohol and visiting sex workers impacted Yantai and its inhabitants. Secondly, this study delves into the lives of Yantai’s sex workers, and how their role within Yantai’s sex work industry operated during an era of semicolonial presence. This study reveals that Yantai provided sailors the opportunity to indulge themselves in vices without being judged by their surroundings in a way that they would back home. Furthermore, although their behavior was certainly not appreciated by both locals and nonlocals in Yantai, their pursuits were also tolerated by some, as they contributed to both the economic and military interests of those that interacted with them. Sex workers, on the other hand, were a demographic that underwent significant changes throughout Yantai’s Republican period, which can largely be attributed to the increasing demands for sex work by foreign sailors. Yantai’s sex work industry became notably more internationally-oriented, as shown by both international sex workers flocking to the city and the general services offered by sex workers gradually revolving more around sexual intercourse. Overall, this study reveals how demands for new forms of sex work reshaped the hierarchies of Yantai’s overall sex work industry. As a result, the industry became more asymmetrically skewed towards a foreign clientele under semicoloniality. Furthermore, Yantai’s smaller size and the relatively large number of visiting sailors made these developments more contrasting than in other cities, resulting in heavier contention, discourse and conflicts arising from these developments.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
Hong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro...Show moreHong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro-democracy movement had gathered wide ranging public support in the years following the 1997 handover. In recent years this movement and the spectrum of the political opposition split and diversified. This thesis argues that the responsibilities and the question of leadership in the activist network of Hong Kong are contested and that existing hierarchies complicate protest action. This became particularly visible during the 2014 'Umbrella Movement'. Based on this example this thesis takes on the question whether contemporary pluralist networks can overcome power hierarchies. Through an analysis of original interviews with activists from the 'Umbrella Movement' the contesting narratives of leadership in the movement are explored and mapped. This helps to understand how the activists position others and themselves within a broader network, and shows how existing hierarchies affect the image of leadership in the network. The analysis also highlights other factors that influence the activists' understanding of power. Eventually it is shown that a number of leaders existed in the movement, which processes were perceived as complication for equal participation opportunities for all activists, and that hierarchies were neither absent nor static.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
On the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party...Show moreOn the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party for the second time, the first in 2014. Less than two weeks after the victory, the re-elected President announced its intention to relocate the nation's capital from Jakarta, located in Java island, to a greenfield site on the island of Kalimantan. In this thesis, I use Twitter communication emanating from the Indonesian Ministry of National Development Planning and the office of the President to dissect the official rationale for this historic initiative and to investigate on the political and ideological discourse surrounding it. What is the Indonesian government trying to achieve through this project? What ideals and political priorities does it reflect? Is there consistency in the official discourse? My analysis is both quantitative and qualitative; it is quantitative because I used large numbers of tweets to measure the frequency which a variety of terms is used to describe both the desirable characteristics of the new capital, and the undesirable aspects of the old one. It is partly qualitative because I investigated and critically reflected on the results found on Twitter to understand better the motifs behind the decision of moving the capital, and be able to answer my research questions. The results show that Jakarta has been abandoned because it does not represent the Indonesian aspirations of modernity, reflected on the smart, sustainable and green imaginaries that the new capital will promote. Indeed, the tweet analysis revealed that these three elements are the most desirable features for the new capital of Indonesia and are the emblem of the type of modernity and progress that the Indonesian government is aspiring to. This is confirmed by the fact that the mentions to smart, green and sustainable are not clear nor justified. These terms appear to be used as buzzwords, almost as if it they were interchangeable. In conclusion, I argue that these features are all instrumental for expressing modernity and progress (Maju). This is the real objective of the government. “The city of dreams”, as I renamed it, imagines a flawless and perfect city, symbol of the progress of the whole country; the truth is that it is only a symbol, and the country will not progress in smartness, greenness, sustainability and equality if not through real policies and measures that tackle the local problems. Besides these attributes, the government claimed that the new capital would bring to more regional equality and economic growth. In this regard, the Indonesian government has also tweeted about Brasilia and its similarities with the new Indonesian capital, praising the design and the outcome of the project; like Brasilia, the new capital is seen as a means to cope with ongoing economic imbalance among the different regions of Indonesia. Although regional equality is, of course, an issue that the government needs to tackle, the increase of GDP outside Java will not benefit the whole population unless there is a real will to tackle inequality not only geographically but also across income groups. Besides, it is essential to remember that the gap between the rich and the poor in Jakarta is substantial and moving the capital will not represent a solution to this problem. Furthermore, the comparison with Brasilia was fundamental to notice a crucial vii paradox in the project of Ibu Kota Baru: by promoting a modern and futuristic capital, Ibu Kota Baru implicitly indicates a refusal of existing conditions of Indonesia, just as like Brasilia did. To conclude, it is important to mention that this thesis is about ideology. In essence, it does not seek to analyse the hidden personal interests and oligarchic business strategies on the project of the capital, although this has been briefly pointed out. The ultimate aim is to dissect the official rhetoric and rationale that surround this project to find the political ideals and desirable features that the project reflects, and inconsistencies in the discourse.Show less
