Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
For the past two decades, states have been engaged in negotiations concerning acceptable state behavior in cyberspace. Many states have submitted their views on the matter and most recently, cyber...Show moreFor the past two decades, states have been engaged in negotiations concerning acceptable state behavior in cyberspace. Many states have submitted their views on the matter and most recently, cyber norms negotiations have been opened up to the entire membership of the United Nations through the Open Ended Working Group. Chinese representatives have been an active participant in these negotiations since their inception, with their own preferred cyber norms to promote. The success of this promotion, however, has been limited due to several factors. In this research, this attempted norm promotion is examined in detail through primary documentation to assess what these limiting factors entail.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
In the midst of the 2019 UK general election, a story broke that an affiliate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling Hindu nationalist party, was openly campaigning for Conservative...Show moreIn the midst of the 2019 UK general election, a story broke that an affiliate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling Hindu nationalist party, was openly campaigning for Conservative Party candidates in forty-eight marginal constituencies. The ideology of the BJP and its affiliates in the Sangh Parivar, Hindutva, has often been treated by scholars as a siloed entity that only affects India and the Indian or Hindu diaspora. Instead, this paper argues that Hindutva has become a transnational, right-wing populist vernacular that is grounded in the UK as a local political discourse through the principal Hindu nationalist organisational network, the Sangh Parivar. So, this paper asks; How has the organization and discourse of the Sangh Parivar vernacularised in the UK and affected the discourse of British politicians? Events such as Modi’s 2014 ascent to power and Brexit (2016) in the UK have facilitated the move of right-wing populist repertoires into the mainstream. This shift simultaneously enables the Sangh Parivar and Hindu nationalists’ growing confidence and organisational visibility. Thus, this paper updates previous scholarship's mapping of the multifarious network of the UK Sangh Parivar, highlighting the importance of identifying the component organisations of the Sangh Parivar to understand the discourse of global Hindutva. Moreover, this paper highlights how right-wing populist and far-right discourses intersect with Hindutva discourses in the UK. Right-wing, far-right and Hindutva discourses are networked in online spaces, such as social media platforms, where the difference between national and international discourses is often blurred. Finally, this paper argues that the activities of the Sangh Parivar have also affected the parliamentary discourse of British MPs. This effect shows the broader impact of Sangh Parivar discourses in the UK, and on other Hindu organisations that seek to represent British-Hindus and Indians. Thus, contrary to what previous research has assumed, the Sangh UK is political. Importantly, the Sangh Parivar UK has also contributed to the development of global Sangh organisations and collaborations. As such, the Sangh Parivar is a multi-polar, multi-directional and diffuse network of organisations that non-Sangh organisations and individuals, such as British-Hindu umbrella groups and parliamentarians, become entwined with. This can best be understood as ‘Sangh International.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
With the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s...Show moreWith the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s development. This event is the publication of the Manifesto that Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, Tang Junyi唐君毅, Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, and Zhang Junmai 张君劢 co-signed and published almost simultaneously in the two journals Minzhu pinglun民評論 (Democratic Tribune) and Zaisheng再生(National Renaissance) with the title “为中国文化敬告世界人士宣言─我们对中国学术研究及中国文化与世界文前途之共同认识” (Wei Zhongguo wenhua jinggao shijie renshi xuanyan –women dui Zhongguo xueshu yanjiu ji Zhongguo wenhua yu shijiewen qiantu zhi gongtong renshi; translated in English as “A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture – our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study relating to World Cultural Outlook.”). Its main purpose is to benefit Western intellectuals in 'aiding them to appreciate Chinese culture'. In order to do so, the authors employ a strategic terminology, which allows them to build a consistent cross-cultural dialogue between Western and Chinese philosophy by means of an unprecedented discourse on 'Chinese Rationalism' (中国心性之学 Zhongguo xinxing zhi xue). Interestingly, the latter is described by the authors as “the essence of Chinese Culture” and, beside its comparative value, it represents the most comprehensive configuration of Confucianism in the context of 20th century. Academic interest in Chinese Studies and Chinese Philosophy should take into account the articulation of Chinese Rationalism in the Manifesto of 1958 as representing a paradigm of post-comparative dialogue that exemplifies the underlying philosophical continuity beyond consistently different traditions of thought.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was...Show moreThis thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was annexed by Meiji Period Japan in 1879 and is today divided among Japan's Okinawa and Kagoshima Prefectures, formed an important linking bridge between China and Japan, East Asia's two dominant political entities. Based on a close reading and partial translation of relevant passages from several historical documents, most notably the kingdom's two official histories Chūzan Seikan and Chūzan Seifu, the thesis investigates the socio-political shift in succeeding conceptualisations of Ryukyuan kingship, the monarch's political legitimacy, and the country's state doctrine that occurred from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Hong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro...Show moreHong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro-democracy movement had gathered wide ranging public support in the years following the 1997 handover. In recent years this movement and the spectrum of the political opposition split and diversified. This thesis argues that the responsibilities and the question of leadership in the activist network of Hong Kong are contested and that existing hierarchies complicate protest action. This became particularly visible during the 2014 'Umbrella Movement'. Based on this example this thesis takes on the question whether contemporary pluralist networks can overcome power hierarchies. Through an analysis of original interviews with activists from the 'Umbrella Movement' the contesting narratives of leadership in the movement are explored and mapped. This helps to understand how the activists position others and themselves within a broader network, and shows how existing hierarchies affect the image of leadership in the network. The analysis also highlights other factors that influence the activists' understanding of power. Eventually it is shown that a number of leaders existed in the movement, which processes were perceived as complication for equal participation opportunities for all activists, and that hierarchies were neither absent nor static.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis analyses the legitimation strategies of the Chinese authorities on social media platform Sina Weibo during the COVID-19 epidemic. Through a combination of computational and qualitative...Show moreThis thesis analyses the legitimation strategies of the Chinese authorities on social media platform Sina Weibo during the COVID-19 epidemic. Through a combination of computational and qualitative methods, it first highlights how Weibo’s digital design directly benefits central information control objectives. It then builds upon a theoretical model of disaster legitimacy strategies to demonstrate how official media make use of this design in their legitimation strategies. These strategies include age-old and highly familiar nationalistic frames, a recurring emphasis on positive energy, and strategic engagement and disengagement. This combination not only legitimises the authorities’ actions, but also delegitimises critical discourses. Nonetheless, this power is not absolute, and this thesis also presents instances in which actors “within” the system present challenges for the central authorities and force them to manage and re-frame ambiguous discourses.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
As influential Chinese Constitutionalists, Liang Qichao and Yanfu were the earliest to introduce and interpret Jean-Jacques Rousseau during the late Qing dynasty. They offered most of the...Show moreAs influential Chinese Constitutionalists, Liang Qichao and Yanfu were the earliest to introduce and interpret Jean-Jacques Rousseau during the late Qing dynasty. They offered most of the interpretations of Rousseau’s thought among intellectuals during the late Qing period mainly by writing articles in the late Qing newspapers. This determined Rousseau’s image and interpretations of some modern Western concepts during this time. This thesis will analyze their interpretations of Rousseau and understandings of some modern political concepts in their articles related to Rousseau in the late Qing newspapers. This will be done as a means to decode how Rousseau and some modern political concepts were interpreted by constitutionalists at the beginning of his introduction. On the whole, Liang Qichao experienced two stages in introducing and interpreting Rousseau's thought. In the first stage from the period of 1899 to 1903, Liang Qichao applauded Rousseau’s thought. However, from the 1904 to 1910 period of the second stage, he started to question and even oppose Rousseau’s thought (this was especially after his visit to America in 1904). Differing from Liang Qichao’s perspective, Yanfu criticized Rousseau during the beginning of his contact with The Social Contract. Yanfu denied Rousseau’s thought as "studies without roots" (无根之学). Meanwhile, he further argued that Rousseau's thought was just dangerous fantasies. Under the political crisis of the late Qing government and missions of saving the state, race, and Confucianism of Chinese intellectuals, Yanfu and Liang Qichao, as Constitutionalists, treated the thought of Western thinkers as tools for saving China from the crisis. Although they held different attitudes towards Rousseau in the beginning, they both eventually criticized Rousseau’s thought as both dangerous and unrealistic. In chapter one, research motivations will be proposed. Next, the literature review of the thesis will be discussed, including the literature review on the research of modern Chinese thought, as well as Rousseau’s role in modern Chinese thought. Then, research methods and sources will be addressed. Chapter two proposes two features of Nakae Chōmin’s translation, namely, Nakae Chōmin’s translation in the Chinese historical context and the tendency toward revolution; from fighting against the tyrant to fighting against the monarchy. In chapter three, Liang Qichao’s interpretations of his approval of Rousseau from 1899 to 1903 will be discussed. Later, chapter four argues Liang Qichao and Yanfu’s critiques of Rousseau from the 1904 to 1910 period. Finally, a conclusion of the thesis will be provided.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis has focused on the transition of the 798 Dashanzi factory from 'artist village' to 'art zone' to show the positive and negative effects of the implementation of creative industries in...Show moreThis thesis has focused on the transition of the 798 Dashanzi factory from 'artist village' to 'art zone' to show the positive and negative effects of the implementation of creative industries in the Chinese urban context. I traced its evolution from its origins as an electronics factory, to an appropriation of urban land by artists and workers of the creative field, to an institutionally-accepted and promoted centre for 'creativity' and innovation. This evolution is deeply intertwined with socio-economic factors which the Chinese government supported as vehicles of (urban) development since Deng's 1978 'Open-door Policy': the dismantling of the danwei (work unit) structure; urbanization; the emergence of a real-estate market, and the rise of an urban upper-middle class. In addition, since the mid-2000s and following the explosion of Chinese contemporary art in the global art market, the government has supported the implementation of Culture Creative Industries as a strategy to build Chinese soft-power and capitalizing on intellectual property. If, on the one hand, these policies had indirect positive effects, such as the preservation of former industrial structures and the incrementation of the local economy, on the other hand they had dramatic consequences on the social environments which were subjected to them. In particular, in the case of 798, the artist community that gave rise to the artist village has been dismembered in favour of commercialization and gentrification of the area. Contemporarily to 798, the Caochangdi artist village sprang up as an urban village on the fringes of Beijing and has constituted itself as an independent reality, taking advantage of the semi-regimented rural status and falling into the cracks of Beijing's residential administration system. Thanks to its semi-illegal configuration, it has managed both to take advantage of the new creative policies implementing local economy, and to maintain the local community somewhat untouched by top-down urban rehabilitation. By adopting a perspective from the theories of place-making and place-branding, the comparison among the two artist villages and the analysis of their transformations helped me to stress the importance of the role of communities in the management of these areas.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis explores how discourse of heritage has been constructed in Taiwan, under the great influence of the world-leading heritage organization, UNESCO (the United Nations Educational,...Show moreThis thesis explores how discourse of heritage has been constructed in Taiwan, under the great influence of the world-leading heritage organization, UNESCO (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) and its affiliated international organizations. This thesis does not attempt to give a single definition of the heritage discourse being constructed, knowing there is no one discourse about “the heritage”, but focuses on the mechanism for making discourse and the power relations that underpin it. This thesis expects to answer three main questions as follows: to what extent can the definitions and values of heritage constructed by UNESCO be applied in the context of Taiwan? What actors can be identified in the process of discourse making? What are their motivations and interests? The discussion will be developed from three aspects: 1) the changes in heritage categories in the Taiwanese heritage preservation law, Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, 2) the reproduction of World Heritage system in Taiwan, and 3) the heritage discourse and power-relation shown in the text of the international declaration launched in Taiwan, Taipei Declaration for Asian Industrial Heritage (2012).Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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The term Manchu has always been a complex one. The Daiqing khans already struggled to define the Manchu community. After a century of silence, the Manchus are slowly crawling from under their...Show moreThe term Manchu has always been a complex one. The Daiqing khans already struggled to define the Manchu community. After a century of silence, the Manchus are slowly crawling from under their shells to form a new Manchu community in the contemporary world. By taking into consideration theoretical frameworks of imagined communities and transculturality, this thesis aims to define the cultural aspect(s) that help the Manchus imagine their community. It looks at different potential aspects and evaluates whether those are integrated within the social spaces (public, private, educational, occupational and virtual) of the Manchus.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
This thesis moves beyond the dichotomy of analyzing normal and abnormal behavior in Japanese education, and shows that individual experiences in education need to be more thoroughly investigated....Show moreThis thesis moves beyond the dichotomy of analyzing normal and abnormal behavior in Japanese education, and shows that individual experiences in education need to be more thoroughly investigated. Being part of formal education means confrontation with existing forms of knowledge that clash with individual social practices. Although there is a strong argument to be made against the ability to practice resistance in an increasingly neo-liberal environment, this thesis shows the opposite. It is possible to differentiate between complete resistance to the expectations that accompany education and more subtle ways of resistance. In fact, all the respondents in this study have shown some form of resistance and consequently, a reconfiguration of individual behavior. This can be resistance to existing language practices, or a complete rejection of anything associated with being Japanese. This thesis shows that there is a space for resistance in Japanese education that extends well beyond teachers’ classroom practices and into students’ individual behavior. Most importantly, the analysis gives a clear example of how resistance against the neo-liberal economization of the individual can be practiced, and is already being practiced in the framework of Japanese education.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The Chinese city of Shenzhen in Guangdong province is often seen as the success story of China’s reform policies that were initiated by Hua Guofeng in the late 1970s, and popularised by Deng...Show moreThe Chinese city of Shenzhen in Guangdong province is often seen as the success story of China’s reform policies that were initiated by Hua Guofeng in the late 1970s, and popularised by Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s. Shenzhen – China’s first Special Economic Zone (SEZ) – is also representative of the ideal of a new, modernized, and economically strong China. The communist ideals of the Maoist era have long been pushed aside to make way for newer ideologies such as ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’, or more recently, Xi Jinping’s ‘Chinese Dream’. These shifts in ideology have had a significant influence on the identity that the Chinese state wishes to convey to its citizens and beyond. This paper examines how national and regional identities and their subsequent narratives interact or conflict in the permanent exhibition of Shenzhen museum. Furthermore, I will look at how similar exhibition practices (Shenzhen Museum and the National Museum of China) are used to convey a different message. Shenzhen Museum plays an important part in communicating the city’s identity and its position in China as a model city both to the local population and beyond. Shenzhen illustrates that the way we perceive nationalism has to change in an ever-globalising world, where large cities within a nation can play as large a role in defining the nation as the country at large.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
Studies have so far focused on China’s cultural tradition as the country’s soft power resource. However, to make the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative a success, Beijing is required to also have...Show moreStudies have so far focused on China’s cultural tradition as the country’s soft power resource. However, to make the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative a success, Beijing is required to also have an attractive set of political values. This thesis investigates how this need for political soft power translates to the realm of international education, in which the Party-state is pushing for closer cooperation among the countries along the Belt and Road. To this end, official Chinese documents and media reports are studied, with a focus on education initiatives in Kazakhstan. By arguing that soft power behaviour is central to soft power building, this thesis has come to several conclusions. First, Beijing is actively deploying educational cooperation within the Belt and Road Initiative as a means to strengthen its soft power. Second, alongside China’s cultural tradition, political values are relied upon to increase China’s attractiveness, indicating that Beijing attempts to specifically build up its political soft power. Remarkably, these political ideals are primarily related to China’s domestic governance and less to Beijing’s global governance principles.Show less
