The Cyprus Dispute of 1974 has never been resolved. The two majority communities of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots live under divided terms, however, there is currently little physical violence...Show moreThe Cyprus Dispute of 1974 has never been resolved. The two majority communities of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots live under divided terms, however, there is currently little physical violence between the two communities. Efforts to resolve the conflict have proven stubbornly unsuccessful. The island of Cyprus is of global geostrategic significance and has a complicated and rich history concerning identity. Most of the literature on the Cyprus Dispute concerns the peace efforts of the United Nations and the islands guarantors Greece, Turkey and The United Kingdom. This thesis, however, forms a comparative analysis of the different perceptions of the Turkish and Greek Cypriot people at both a national and local level, analysing the involvement of the European Union in the Cyprus Dispute. The paper is based on research of a multidisciplinary approach of culture, politics and history. Qualitative data from journalistic articles and statements from political representatives have been analysed to interpret the perspectives of both the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. Concluding remarks draw on the role of the European Union in the Cyprus Dispute. It will reveal how identity issues and the recognition of two distinct identity groups is paramount and often overlooked by the European Union. Failure to recognise these dynamics has played a significant part in sustaining the hostilities between the divided communities.Show less
Where do the European Court of Justice and national tribunals draw the line between freedom of speech and the protection of minorities? How is social coherence in democratic societies pursued if...Show moreWhere do the European Court of Justice and national tribunals draw the line between freedom of speech and the protection of minorities? How is social coherence in democratic societies pursued if linguistic insults drive a wedge between citizens? Recent attempts to ban hate speech, court cases on Holocaust denials, and the condemnation of comedy expressions reveal the vibrant intersection of freedom of expression and hate speech. With the aim of providing an outlook on the juridical, political, and ideological future of EU member-states, this thesis investigates some of the implications of attempts to legally enforce speech. Focusing on the prosecution of Geert Wilders since 2014, I argue that the victim of hate speech is always influenced by a historicity that exceeds the present, regardless of context. Furthermore, I will state that the roots of insults lie in the antagonisms of modern democratic societies that encapsulate latent enmity and a lack of tolerance. I therefore propose to address hurt through public debate and not law, since the latter is a mere regulatory instrument of human behavior. Finally, the criminalization of speech narrows the space for debate and ignores and reinforces societal antagonisms: the deep-rooted cause of distrust and conflict that is once to blossom.Show less
At the moment of its unification, in 1861, Italy was one of the most linguistically, culturally, and economically fragmented country in the European stage. As a consequence, more than any other...Show moreAt the moment of its unification, in 1861, Italy was one of the most linguistically, culturally, and economically fragmented country in the European stage. As a consequence, more than any other Nation it necessitated to be subjected to a process of national identity building driven by the ruling cultural élite. This BA thesis, through the lenses of constructivist theories on identity introduced by Anderson, Hobsbawm, et alia, surveys the top down approach with which (Italian) national identity has been constructed, promoted and enforced. In the majority of identity-building discourses, a cultural-linguistic element is usually taken as a term of reference and linchpin for such a construction. In this research, Italian Renaissance figurative arts are the cultural artefact will be analysed: it will indeed be surveyed how the intelligentsia of the time employed Renaissance arts in three retrospective exhibitions to promote a sense of national identity and belonging: the “Exhibition on the Italian Portrait” (Florence, 1911), the “ Exhibition on Italian Art 1200-1900” (London, 1930), and the expo “L’Art Italien de Cimabue à Tiepolo” (Paris, 1935). Finally, a discussion on the usage of Renaissance images on Italian cash money will follow. This study will show that Italy is a very diverse and fragmented country, whose unity and identity have been in truth strategically and artificially constructed and enforced. Nonetheless, it will also emerge that Renaissance figurative arts sincerely and surely are a ‘second language’ for Italians.Show less
Politics in the United Kingdom (UK) has historically been dominated by the two largest political parties, with minor parties having struggled due to various political and institutional barriers....Show morePolitics in the United Kingdom (UK) has historically been dominated by the two largest political parties, with minor parties having struggled due to various political and institutional barriers. This thesis analyses the major barriers which minor parties face in the UK, namely the Single Member Plurality (SMP) electoral system, the lack of state funding and unequal media representation. These barriers will be analysed by examining the Green Party of England and Wales, a party which has seen its support increase a great deal in recent decades, yet has failed to experience much success in national elections. This thesis concludes by analysing the different strategies which the party has utilised in reaction to the barriers which they face.Show less
The Christian left in the Netherlands has yet to produce an electorally viable party capable of winning a national election. Despite the promising political start of the Politieke Partij Radikalen...Show moreThe Christian left in the Netherlands has yet to produce an electorally viable party capable of winning a national election. Despite the promising political start of the Politieke Partij Radikalen in 1968, no party on the Christian left has had parliamentary representation in the Tweede Kamer since 1991. The aim of this thesis is to discern which factors bear culpability for preventing the emergence of an electorally potent party on the Christian left over the past 50 years. Two case studies from the Netherlands and one comparative case study from Italy have been conducted with that objective in mind. Through analyzing existing academic scholarship and party manifestos, five overarching factors that have undermined the Christian left have been identified: the legacies of pillarization, consociational governance, the secularization of Dutch society, social conservatism in Orthodox Protestant Communities, and the ideological distance of the Christian left’s representatives from the political center.Show less
While the Balkans - Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular - are geographically situated within Europe, they are often presented and perceived as not truly European. Through the close-readings of...Show moreWhile the Balkans - Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular - are geographically situated within Europe, they are often presented and perceived as not truly European. Through the close-readings of lyrics of the popular Bosnian music group Dubioza Kolektiv, this thesis analyzes how local music can challenge and engage with this existing misperception.Show less
With this contribution I propose to expand the research on crimmigration by conducting two sets of analyses focused on Facebook posts and tweets: a qualitative data analysis and a qualitative...Show moreWith this contribution I propose to expand the research on crimmigration by conducting two sets of analyses focused on Facebook posts and tweets: a qualitative data analysis and a qualitative discourse analysis. In particular, this paper will be focused on the question: How is immigration criminalized in contemporary Western European democracies and how is this discourse exploited by the right-wing populist parties through social networking sites (Facebook and Twitter)?Show less
This thesis deals with the current migration crisis that is dominating the political field in Europe today and how security has come to play a role in the response to manage the migrant influx....Show moreThis thesis deals with the current migration crisis that is dominating the political field in Europe today and how security has come to play a role in the response to manage the migrant influx. Since the September 11 attacks in the United States, migration has become increasingly interlinked with security, within particular the destabilizing effects of migration on internal European security. As a result of the growing sense of a nexus between migration and social disorder, the European political response has shifted more frequently towards the employment of the theory of securitization to manage migration at the external borders. Therefore, this thesis examines the European Union’s political legislation documents to provide an answer to the question; to what extent is migration defined as a security problem and how did that affect the migration discourse and migration policy of the European Union since 2015?Show less
While NATO has served as Europe’s main security provider for decades, the European Union is developing its own role as an international security actor. This role of the EU has become especially...Show moreWhile NATO has served as Europe’s main security provider for decades, the European Union is developing its own role as an international security actor. This role of the EU has become especially relevant after the Ukraine Crisis, which increased tensions between the EU and Russia. Sweden and Finland, two member-states of the EU, fear for additional Russian hostilities; they seek more security after the Ukraine Crisis. However, due to their neutrality policies, they are not members of NATO. While Sweden and Finland now have a higher demand for security, they cannot turn to NATO in order to attain it. This research aims to find out whether Sweden and Finland therefore look more to the EU for their security by approaching the following question: to what extent have Sweden and Finland become more in favor of European defense integration after the Ukraine Crisis? Sweden and Finland will be analyzed separately. To find out what their preferences towards EU defense integration are, the following variables will be studied: government reports ; statements made by government officials ; expenditure on common EU defense capabilities ; and total defense expenditure. The findings before the Ukraine Crisis will be compared to the findings after the Ukraine Crisis, so that a comparison can be made. In this way, conclusions can be drawn as to whether or not the countries became more in favor of EU defense integration after the Ukraine Crisis. To explain the findings, a cost-benefit analysis will be made based on the theory of rational choice institutionalism.Show less
This thesis explores the relationship between Ireland and Great Britain in times of The Great Famine (1845-1850), and discusses the factors that contributed to the deterioration of this relationship.
This research paper aims to identify and comment on the different meanings of the notion ‘integration’ as used in Austrian public discourse. This critical discourse analysis reveals how the term...Show moreThis research paper aims to identify and comment on the different meanings of the notion ‘integration’ as used in Austrian public discourse. This critical discourse analysis reveals how the term has been employed in the months preceding and following the Austrian legislative election of 2017 in order to make statements about migrants in Austria. Statements such as “we can speak of successful integration, when the migrant feels truly Austrian in the heart” by the country’s current prime minister are investigated in order to reveal what types of conceptualizations of integration circulate in the public debate and discourse. The discursively strongest linked meanings and associations to integration are the ones of German language acquisition, becoming a member of society, assimilation and the Islamic community. Other existing meanings include illegality and a burden resting on the receiving society.Show less
