Although it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by...Show moreAlthough it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by the Arabs, Transoxiana by westerners or Turkestan, literally ‘land of the Turks’ by the Persians; the region has come to our minds as Central Asia. Until the Age of Discoveries, Central Asia constituted the nervous system of the Eurasian international system (Frankopan 2015). Historically, whoever dominated trade along Central Asia dominated the Eurasian landmass. Trade took place primarily between China and Europe while Central Asia acted as the middle man. As such, the native nomadic tribes pacified the region in order to foster trade. Intensive exchanges in goods, peoples and ideas were the hallmark of the Eurasian economy in which continental trade dominated. Land and see routes where integrated into a single international system in which Central Asia was located at the center while the rest of the world constituted the periphery (Beckwith 2009). In 1877, the distinguished German geologist Ferdinand von Richthofen coined the Eurasian economic system as the ‘Seidenstraße’: the Silk Route. Nevertheless, Central Asia’s golden era did not last. With the maritime expeditions of Columbus and Vasco de Gama the ‘Eurasian continental system’ began to unravel. The revolutionary discoveries of alternative sea routes led to the establishment of new trade lanes (Frankopan 2015). As Beckwith explains in his book Empires of the Silk Road, the final blow to the continental system was struck by the partitioning of Central Eurasia by the Russian and Chinese empires. Newly erected borders led to soaring tariffs and increasing insecurity causing trade to spiral downward. Economic disintegration brought about intellectual decay which further isolated the region (Starr et al 2015). As a result, trade along sea lanes became much more competitive. The fundamental shift in trade patterns ushered the ‘Littoral system’ characterized by mass maritime trade (Beckwith 2009). Consequently, the center of gravity shifted from Central Asia to the coastal peripheries who dominated the sea lanes. Mastering state of the art naval technology, European countries such as Britain became the primary beneficiaries of the new ‘Littoral system’. The maritime system endured with the creation of the canal of Suez and the establishment of the Soviet Union which redirected the ancient networks of the Silk Road to Moscow. For the next three centuries, the world witnessed the European Era followed by the American Era. However, the ‘Littoral system’ is not invulnerable. In his renowned article ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, MacKinder outlines the threats facing the Littoral system; noteworthy, a reunified Eurasia. It seems that the tide is turning once more. In 1991, the Soviet Union disintegrated in what President Putin called “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century". The momentous event enabled Central Asian people to regain their independence. Almost immediately, the European Union and Eastern European countries launched a bold trade and transportation project named the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA) with the aim of restoring the “Historical Silk Road” (Starr et al 2015). Inaugurated in great pomp, the weakly executed project met with little success (Matveeva 2006). Then, in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the United States intervened in Afghanistan in order to gain a foothold in the Central Asian area (Genté Régis 2014). In 2010, recognizing Afghanistan’s historical importance, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton instigated the News Silk Road initiative aimed at establishing Afghanistan as a key trade hub (Hormats 2011). Nonetheless, the project failed to receive the vital endorsement of the U.S. President and soon thereafter fell apart (Starr et al, 2015). Three years later, China’s supreme leader, President Xi Jinping, made an ambitious proposal for the revival of the Silk Road. Could Xi’s momentous plans succeed in revitalizing the Eurasian system?Show less
The Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way...Show moreThe Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way to boost GDP. Nevertheless, the construction boom that came along with the capitalist reforms led to numerous unforeseen consequences. The large numbers of unsold properties and vacant apartments bought by investors, especially in tier 3 and 4 cities, has left many wondering whether there is adequate demand to cope with the large housing supply. Simultaneously, prices in tier 1 cities have skyrocketed to unaffordable levels, leaving working class Chinese out of home ownership. This paper is therefore aimed at analyzing and understanding the developments of the capitalist housing market in China and how these problems came to be. It highlights the internal processes and political structures that have led to the existence of the problem.Show less
This thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the...Show moreThis thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the authoritarian rule of the party. This thesis introduces the development path of civil society in China, focusing on environmental NGOs and woemns rights NGOs. By studying the strategeis used by NGOs in these fields, this thesis aims at better capture the nature of power relations between state and NGOs in china.Show less
In this thesis, I discuss about the existence of an art theory in current Chinese policies to answer the main research question: what is Xi’s art theory and how does the Communist Chinese Party ...Show moreIn this thesis, I discuss about the existence of an art theory in current Chinese policies to answer the main research question: what is Xi’s art theory and how does the Communist Chinese Party (CCP) conceive of arts and literature (wenyi文艺)? Since arts and literature have been called upon to support and accelerate the achievement of the country’s goals, I will analyze the current Chinese situation from the perspective of art. Moreover, I will suggest that the formulation of an art theory by Xi, during the Beijing Forum on Literature and Art in 2014 , might be referring to the past to stress the element of continuity as legitimacy for the CCP’s rule and relevance.Show less
De scriptie geeft een overzicht van een drietal aspecten van de toegenomen Chinese welvaart in het tijdperk van de hervormingen en moderniseringen met betrekking tot voedsel. Aan de orde komen het...Show moreDe scriptie geeft een overzicht van een drietal aspecten van de toegenomen Chinese welvaart in het tijdperk van de hervormingen en moderniseringen met betrekking tot voedsel. Aan de orde komen het toenemende lichaamsgewicht (obesitas), de voortdurende problemen met betrekking tot de voedselveiligheid en, in samenhang daarmee, het speuren naar duurzame(re) oplossingen in de vorm van bijvoorbeeld biologische landbouw.Show less
Since the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year...Show moreSince the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year the Chinese government was still cancelling important meetings with Japanese officials, while the Taiwanese East Asian Relations Association had managed to sign a fishery agreement with the Japanese Interchange Association in April 2013. This fishery agreement extended to the seas around the disputed islands, but the agreement did not touch upon sovereignty. The fact that the Chinese government still cancelled important meetings with Japanese officials showed that even after a year Sino-Japanese relations were still affected by the dispute of the 2012 and that the Chinese government did not take official measures to solve the dispute. However, Taiwan acted differently than China and signed a fishery agreement with Japan in April 2013. This shows that Taiwan took another approach regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands than China. This is remarkable, because most academic sources had worked on the assumption that Taiwan and China would be taking a similar approach to handling these disputes and thus only Japan and China were ever considered to be main actors within the dispute. Through the fishery agreement of 2013 however Taiwan has proved to be an equally significant and independent contribution in the attempt to reach a solution for the disputes. This thesis will argue that the fishery agreement of Japan and Taiwan can significantly change the dynamics in the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands disputes.Show less
The One Belt-One Road (OBOR) initiative, also referred to as the ‘New Silk Road’, is possibly the single most impactful foreign policy initiavite of the coming decades. Launched by Chinese...Show moreThe One Belt-One Road (OBOR) initiative, also referred to as the ‘New Silk Road’, is possibly the single most impactful foreign policy initiavite of the coming decades. Launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, it aims at reconnecting various regions of Eurasia from China to Germany and from Russia to Iran and India. At first glance the idea of a silk road evokes the romantic sentiment of a historic symbol that brought prosperity to Eurasia and overcame borders and dichotomies between ‘East’ and ‘West’. Yet, some foreign scholars and media outlets have been quick to interpret OBOR as a competitive, geopolitical grand strategy, or a Chinese Marshall plan that is guided by China’s domestic, economic and security interest to help China disrupt the current global order. I will provide a somewhat different narrative for making sense of Xi Jinping’s ‘New Silk Road’ initiative in the context of China’s rise. Hence, I ask the question whether or not the ‘tide is turning’, or more concretely: Does the OBOR initiative represent a change in Chinese foreign policy, and if so: What kind of change? I will outline major arguments of US realist and Chinese scholars on the debate about China’s rise. I will then critically outline how this debate is framed by how traditional IRT analyse China’s foreign policy. Taking this as the context to my argument I will describe how OBOR reflects a change in the way that the Chinese government conducts its international affairs under Xi Jinping and how the discourse on IRT affects the analysis of OBOR, which is still in its conceptualisation phase. I offer two interpretations of such change: One critically acknowledges more realist domestic and self-interested factors that motivate OBOR; the other argues that OBOR is more complex and could facilitate responsible engagement with global challenges such as global economic imbalances, cultural heritage, and international security. Finally, I conduct a short case study on the rise of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in the context of OBOR and international security to build on the narrative of a more globally responsible China that increasingly uses multilateralism. I find that particularly examining transnational factors of the initiative helps to understand the New Silkroad in the context of a possible peaceful rise that improves human connectivity, exchange, and has the potential to tackle global challenges.Show less
This thesis discusses the relationship between Taiwanese television (idol) dramas, advertising - in particular product placement, and the way in which young Taiwanese women, i.e. students between...Show moreThis thesis discusses the relationship between Taiwanese television (idol) dramas, advertising - in particular product placement, and the way in which young Taiwanese women, i.e. students between 18-25 years, identify with popular TV-series. The research itself is based on an on-line survey designed by the author herself.Show less
Joseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to...Show moreJoseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to what extent they follow Nye's soft power framework.Show less
China has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of...Show moreChina has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of interaction, trying to foster stronger personal bonds between Africans and Chinese citizens as well institutions. Education, culture and health care have the strongest positive impact on average African citizens, and China is increasing its efforts in these fields through cooperation agreements.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
In recent years, China has made international headlines as a result of its poor factory labour conditions. Chinese leaders have observed that this international coverage has reflected poorly on the...Show moreIn recent years, China has made international headlines as a result of its poor factory labour conditions. Chinese leaders have observed that this international coverage has reflected poorly on the country and greatly impacted its image both internationally and domestically. Therefore new strategies to (re)build China's image have utilized CSR in order to gain a certain influence and stability in the national and international sphere.Show less
This thesis analyzes the policies adopted by the PRC toward the GCC in the context of the decline of US hegemony in the 21st century through the prism of neoclassical realism. The PRC, in response...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the policies adopted by the PRC toward the GCC in the context of the decline of US hegemony in the 21st century through the prism of neoclassical realism. The PRC, in response to the evolving global distribution of power, has expanded relations with the GCC. Domestic political factors within the PRC itself, however, are weighed heavily against engaging in balancing behavior due to the immense costs it would impose. Therefore, the PRC has adopted the policy of strategic hedging in the GCC to maximize gains while minimizing the potential for confrontation with the US. By tracing the causal mechanism in neoclassical realism that translates changes in relative power to the formulation of foreign policy, this thesis proves there is a clear causal link in this case between power deconcentration and the adoption of strategic hedging behavior. This strategy has been remarkably successful, fulfilling the needs of the PRC while simultaneously working within a framework amenable to the US. In this manner, the PRC’s GCC policy complements, rather than competes with, US interests in the region.Show less
Today, art from China is very different from that of the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary Chinese urban art is critical of the modernization China has been experiencing the past decades. It is mostly...Show moreToday, art from China is very different from that of the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary Chinese urban art is critical of the modernization China has been experiencing the past decades. It is mostly done in the media of photography, sculpture and installation art. Most obviously this criticism can be seen in the cityscape. This cityscape is most times a pastiche of construction, combining into a vast city. Many installation artists construct such a city by using real cities as model, and they often use consumer items as material. But also many photographers create cityscape montages; they use digital software to combine photographs of the urban space into one big collage. There are five themes that prominently express the artists’ concerns over China’s urbanization: futurism, globalization, negativity, sinification, and disconnection. Artists apply (often several of) these themes onto the urban space they depict.Show less
Deze bachelorscriptie onderzoekt de manier waarop vrouwen in moderne, door vrouwen gemaakte Chinese speelfilms worden weergegeven. Aan de hand van begrippen uit gender- en filmstudies worden vier...Show moreDeze bachelorscriptie onderzoekt de manier waarop vrouwen in moderne, door vrouwen gemaakte Chinese speelfilms worden weergegeven. Aan de hand van begrippen uit gender- en filmstudies worden vier zeer verschillende films van Ning Ying en Li Yu geanalyseerd.Show less
Over the course of history, the bicycle has earned its place in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets and has long been the primary mode of transportation for many people. Even though both China and...Show moreOver the course of history, the bicycle has earned its place in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets and has long been the primary mode of transportation for many people. Even though both China and Taiwan play a big role in the world’s bicycle market, changes seem to have occurred in the presence of bicycle in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets as well as its corresponding perception. This thesis will reflect on changes in the public perception of bicycles in Taiwan and China in the last 60 years by answering questions such as; how have people’s views on the bicycle and its use changed? How can these changes be explained and does the bicycle have a future in China and Taiwan?Show less
Environmental pollution is one of the most pressing challenges, the People´s Republic of China (PRC) is currently facing. That is not merely because air and water pollution in the PRC pose a direct...Show moreEnvironmental pollution is one of the most pressing challenges, the People´s Republic of China (PRC) is currently facing. That is not merely because air and water pollution in the PRC pose a direct threat to the health of its about 1.5 billion citizens, but also due to its potential to result in serious political and economic consequences, such as disrupted urbanization, social unrest and political instability. Recognizing the urgency to act, a growing number of Chinese citizens have begun to engage in environmental activism on a public, individual and organizational level, resulting in the development of a non-governmental sphere. This increasing environmental activism can be seen as a breeding ground for further socio-political change, and possibly the emergence of a civil society. The ‘Western’ academic literature often describes a correlation between the development of a civil society and democratization (cf. Hsu 2010: 263). However, such traditional liberal conceptualizations should be applied to the case of the PRC with caution. My thesis aims to find an appropriate framework to evaluate, to what extent the non-governmental sphere in the PRC can be regarded as a civil society. To do so, my thesis is going to answer the following research question: “How does environmental engagement impact the development of a Chinese civil society?”. My thesis is structured in such a manner that the following chapter (2) provides a literature review of the key concepts for analysis, covering environmental pollution, environmental engagement, and civil society. Moreover, I discuss relevant theoretical frameworks, and conceptualizations. The ensuing chapter (3) is divided into three sub-chapters. The first section, evaluates three examples of environmental participation in the PRC, which depict environmental engagement on three possible levels, namely the organizational, the public and the individual. The chosen selection of examples allows for a comprehensive overview of popular ways to engage in environmental activism in the PRC and sheds light on opportunities, and difficulties faced by the societal sector. The second section discusses the findings of the previous section, and examines what insights the case studies give into the nature of an emerging civil society in the PRC. The third section examines to what extent the societal sector of the PRC can be regarded as a civil society. The final chapter (4) presents conclusions drawn from the theory, and the case studies, assessing the impact of political participation on the emergence of a civil society. To obtain information for the sections of research and analysis, I am going to employ a variety of methods. The second chapter, discussing theoretical concepts, is mainly based on information drawn from the review of secondary sources. At times, also, primary sources were studied to support claims of the secondary literature. For the third chapter, analyzing case studies, discussing the findings, and assessing the nature of civil society in the PRC, both primary and secondary sources were reviewed. Used literature included primarily books and other academic publications, such as journal articles, and news items. A limitation to my research is that the thesis only uses English-language sources. Hence, it is essential to acknowledge that I have based my argumentation in this thesis on non-Chinese or translated documents. Therefore, the analytical section will pay regard to this limitation and seek to compensate this weakness with a critical analysis of the literature.Show less
This thesis provides an answer to the following research question: ‘What internet governance discourse was constructed and managed by Xi Jinping during the Wuzhen Summit?’ It is found that Xi...Show moreThis thesis provides an answer to the following research question: ‘What internet governance discourse was constructed and managed by Xi Jinping during the Wuzhen Summit?’ It is found that Xi Jinping and his administration draw from various background assumptions to construct their discourse. These assumptions see the internet as a geographic territory that is subject to the same geopolitical dynamics as ‘real space’, and see governments as well as states as being the only actors capable of enabling the successful future development of the internet.Show less
