The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to examine why was progress in the Transnistrian conflict achieved after 2016 considering that all the previous efforts of internal as well as external actors after the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to examine why was progress in the Transnistrian conflict achieved after 2016 considering that all the previous efforts of internal as well as external actors after the ceasefire agreement proved to be unsuccessful. The thesis applies conflict management and mediation theory, which claims that progress in a conflict is possible when a “ripe moment” arises as a result of Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS). The “ripe moment” has to be seized either by the parties themselves or by a mediator, with a problem-solving approach being particularly useful to that end. Based on the review of existing academic literature, the author identifies three hypotheses (the “political agency hypothesis”, the “economic hypothesis”, and the “mediation hypothesis”), which offer alternative explanations why the progress was achieved specifically after 2016. The hypotheses are tested using the qualitative method of process tracing. The systematic analysis of the diagnostic evidence reveals that the progress was not achieved due to the new Moldovan and Transnistrian presidents coming to power at the end of 2016. In 2016, the “ripe moment” arose in the Transnistrian conflict as a result of the poor economic performance of both Moldova and Transnistria, which created the situation of MHS. Moreover, the united position of mediators in the 5+2 format combined with the focus on smaller, practical questions, allowed the “ripe moment” to be seized and thus progress was achieved.Show less
Much has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the...Show moreMuch has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the current Moldovan rapprochement towards the EU in its local referendum, organized in 2014. In contemporary academic literature very little is known about the influence of dissident regions like Gagauzia, Transnistria or Abkhazia on the EU rapprochement of their sovereign nation. Along with interviews and other primary sources a model is provided to discover the influence of the three mentioned dissident regions on the EU rapprochement. This research, at least, enriches the current existing academic literature regarding Gagauzia, at the same time it deeply emphasises the limited influence of dissident regions on sovereign nations’ EU rapprochement.Show less
This historical thesis challenges the current consensus among scholars that Romania’s involvement in the 1992 Transnistrian War, on the side of the Moldovan government, was motivated only by desire...Show moreThis historical thesis challenges the current consensus among scholars that Romania’s involvement in the 1992 Transnistrian War, on the side of the Moldovan government, was motivated only by desire for reunification with its former territory of Bessarabia. The historical relationship between Romania and Moldova, the ethnic dynamics and distributions of Transnstria and the extent of Romanian intervention in the war are presented and analysed. A case is made that the Romanian government’s immediate goal was not a political union Moldova, but maintaining stability.Show less
By strengthening linkages with post-Soviet countries and by constructing a wide range of soft-power tools, Russia has tried to block Western influence in the post-Soviet space. The aim of this...Show moreBy strengthening linkages with post-Soviet countries and by constructing a wide range of soft-power tools, Russia has tried to block Western influence in the post-Soviet space. The aim of this thesis is to research how the Russian state and the Russian Orthodox Church are working together to create Orthodox linkages in the post-Soviet state of Moldova, and how they are using Orthodox concepts to promote an Orthodox identity.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
