This bachelor thesis considers the prioritisation and sequencing of policies in the process of post-conflict state-building. It starts by considering existing literature of both state-building and...Show moreThis bachelor thesis considers the prioritisation and sequencing of policies in the process of post-conflict state-building. It starts by considering existing literature of both state-building and sequencing to outline how it has informed the main theoretical framework on the topic: Timilsina's (2007) three phases for the sequencing of priorities in state-building. The thesis then analyses the replicability of this framework in the case of Somalia (2013-2021), for which it finds that priorities were largely set according to the theory, but also that the sequencing of individual policies saw unequal implementation. It concludes with a discussion from which it is clear that the unequal implementation resulted in unequal long-term state- and peace-building outcomes.Show less
Over the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large...Show moreOver the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large segments of the Somali society have fled abroad to seek shelter (Mohamud 2020, 115). The country experienced a Hobbesian era of anarchy that symbolized what Robert Rotberg classified as “a rare and extreme version of a failed state. (…). a mere geographical expression, a black hole [where] there is dark energy, but the forces of entropy have overwhelmed the radiance that hitherto provided some semblance of order and other vital political goods to the inhabitants (no longer the citizens)” (Rotberg 2004, 9). To end Somalia’s acute state of anarchy and its protracted inter-tribal warfare’s, international multilateral organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and Somalia’s neighbouring countries have sought to mediate relations between the contesting factions that were exercising inter-tribal politics within the country. Three major peace and reconciliation conferences sponsored by the international community have been held to resolve the Somali impasse: the first summit took place in Borama (Somaliland) in 1993, the second in Arta (Djibouti) in 2000, and the third in Mbagathi (Kenya) in 2003. The Borama conference in particular is what led to the self-determination of Somaliland, which is not the theme of this thesis. The topic of this research is to look at the differences between these peace processes. By comparing the nature of these three conferences it is possible to identify practices and models of peacebuilding for Somalia, a country that is seeking stability to this day. Despite these costly peace-making conferences as it cost the United Nations (UN) and donor countries to spend enormous sums of money and resources, Somalia remains fragmented and unstable, with the current federal government barely able to control its capital, Mogadishu (Ingiriis 2020, 10). Through a top-down peace-making approach, the so-called international community (IC) has attempted to solve disputes between powerful actors without incorporating local values, history, expertise, and the everyday experiences of the wider Somali population into the peacemaking processes and ultimately these efforts have failed to produce effective dispute resolution (Ansems 2011, 99). Given these failures, this research attempts to investigate the underlying factors that explain the UN’s liberal peacebuilding approach (which applies a predefined conceptual top-down framework that neglects Somalia’s everyday experiences) and why it failed to bring forth any genuine reconciliation (Glawion 2020, 66). Due to the disconnect between the top-down peacebuilding framework and Somalia and democracy, this paper investigates how an alternative framework called the “pragmatic peacebuilding approach” which moves beyond traditional liberal peace, can facilitate a more practical approach to peacebuilding that is sustainable, reconciliatory and context-specific. This thesis will endeavour to test the following research question and hypothesis. The research question is quite straightforward: the UN’s top-down peacebuilding process has been taking place in Somalia for more than 20 years, why then have the UN’s efforts failed to yield plausible peace results in Somalia? The answer to the research question is based on the following hypothesis: in Somalia, top-down peacebuilding has prevailed over grassroots-level peacebuilding and this is why peacebuilding in Somalia did not succeed. The hypothesis is based on both a historical account of what has happened in Somalia, including Somaliland, since the early 1990s and on the review of the literature on the Somali problem as well as on peacebuilding in general. Somaliland achieved peace vis-à-vis a grassroots model of peacebuilding, while in the rest of Somalia the UN used a top-down approach.Show less
Abstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of...Show moreAbstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of diplomatic documents from the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, it tries to build a case that de facto recognition is problematic and often only serves the state that initiates that de facto recognition, as ultimately, the observed behaviour does not seem to indicate that the analysed states consider Somaliland to be a non-state. In conclusion, it is suggested that the situation where a de facto state suffers from non-recognition, but in interactions gets treated as a fully functioning state, can be described as the de facto recognition problem.Show less
The thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and...Show moreThe thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and described the theoretical foundations to better comprehend the answer to the research question posed. In the analysis, the different rationales for each side to the conflict to explain their use and recruitment of child soldiers were examined. Finally, the thesis argued that among the several factors that seem to be valid in explaining the phenomenon of child soldiering in Somalia, only two are found to be true for both the extremist organization al-Shabaab and the government, with their allied forces. First, children may voluntarily join the army because they lack alternatives outside of the armed groups. In fact, they cannot receive a proper education and they suffer extreme poverty, water scarcity, malnutrition and devastation. Second, Somali children were born in a constant climate of violence and insecurity that has ‘normalized’ the concept of fighting, leading them to take up arms in a desperate attempt to put an end to a war they do not understand, but that has been lacerating their country for too long.Show less
Due to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the...Show moreDue to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the presence of Gulf actors in the Horn, accelerated by the Gulf-internal rivalry between Qatar on one side and the remaining members of the Gulf Cooperation Council on the other. With the help of the theoretical framework of Regional Security Complexes and the Spillover Effect, as well as process tracing methods, two country case studies examine how Gulf engagement, in particular the rivalry between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, further destabilizes an already fragile region: In Somalia, the tensions between core and periphery have been exacerbated as a result of Qatar backing the central government in Mogadishu and the UAE supporting the federal states. In Sudan, the complicated transition process is prolonged as a result of Gulf powers pursuing opposing agendas in the post-Bashir political environment.Show less
The central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In...Show moreThe central question this thesis will attempt to address is: ‘What problems arise when private security companies are allowed to perform public tasks and how may these problems be overcome?’ In order to narrow the scope of this very broad question, I will attempt to answer it by focusing specifically on PMSC activity during anti-piracy actions. The arguments in this thesis will show how the ambiguous nature of the current legal framework has caused a lack of democratic responsibility in anti-piracy action. This has led to a situation of increased violence and human rights violation as economic incentives have been allowed to precede social incentives. To increase democratic responsibility in PMSC’s, I propose that Dutch policy should focus on the creation of corporate social responsibility within the companies that are allowed to operate on board ships passing through high risk areas. It is important however, to be aware of the internal contradictions that face CSR-theory and focus on the possibility of omitting these obstacles in the unique context in which the Law for the Protection of Dutch Merchant Ships will be implemented.Show less
This study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the...Show moreThis study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the UK. The study focuses on whether these differences exist depending on whether migrants arrive from the Netherlands, a Member State of the European Union (EU), or whether they arrive directly from Somalia, a nation outside of the EU. Literature concerned with Somalis residing in the UK, as well as specific literature focusing on Somalis leaving the Netherlands to migrate to the UK was used to contextualise the study. The research consisted of 18 face-to-face interviews carried in the UK: 10 interviews with individuals who arrived from Somalia and 8 with those that arrived from the Netherlands. Based on the data collected from these interviews, self-perceived identities between the two groups largely differ. Those arriving from the Netherlands typically disassociate from their Somali identity. Secondly, formulations of identity play a pivotal role in perceptions of social inclusion and social progression. On arrival those arriving from the Netherlands perceive themselves to be more socially included and have higher prospects of progressing in society. In terms of how these factors change over time, few conclusions could be drawn – though it appears that differences in country of arrival may become less important. Nevertheless, Somalis residing in the UK from both groups hold positive perceptions of how they are progressing in society.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of R2P in the justificatory speeches of American presidents Bush, Clinton and Obama through the case studies of Somalia 1992-1994 and Libya 2011.
To what extent can interstate conflict initiation be considered a coup-proofing strategy? Further, how can coup-proofing impact civil war onset and leader survival? This thesis provides insight...Show moreTo what extent can interstate conflict initiation be considered a coup-proofing strategy? Further, how can coup-proofing impact civil war onset and leader survival? This thesis provides insight into elite rivalry, coup-proofing and leader survival in authoritarian regimes. I use a single case study of authoritarian leader Mohamed Siad Barre of Somalia, who ruled Somalia from 1969 to1991. With the use of existing theories on authoritarian leaders, I determine whether leaders use interstate conflict initiation as a coup-proofing strategy by examining the Ogaden War (1977-1978). I also ascertain whether coup-proofing can contribute to civil war onset and the removal of leaders from office. I propose that the Ogaden War was initiated as a coup-proofing strategy to reduce the coup risk of the Somali leader from the Somali National Army. Thus, I argue that interstate conflict initiation can be considered a form of coup-proofing. The study also suggests that protracted use of coup-proofing strategies, specifically, exclusion along ethic or tribal lines can deepen cleavages within already fractionalized societies, which in turn can lead to civil war onset.Show less
In this thesis, I revisits Herman & Chomsky’s 1988 classic Manufacturing Consent, testing its shelf life by applying its findings to news about US drone strikes in Somalia. The Research...Show moreIn this thesis, I revisits Herman & Chomsky’s 1988 classic Manufacturing Consent, testing its shelf life by applying its findings to news about US drone strikes in Somalia. The Research Question is: ‘How have developments in the international sphere, namely the rise of TANs [Transnational Advocacy Networks] and the fall of communism as a competing ideology, affected the mass-media framework proposed in Herman and Chomsky’s Sourcing and Communism Filters?’Show less
This paper aims at analysing how these two periods of Somalia’s recent history influenced and laid the foundations for rivalries between different factions within the country, which eventually...Show moreThis paper aims at analysing how these two periods of Somalia’s recent history influenced and laid the foundations for rivalries between different factions within the country, which eventually exploded in an excruciating conflict. Firstly, the aim of this paper is to assess how and why the Italian administration of Somalia was overall a failure, and to which extent it was harmful for the future of the country as a whole. Indeed, the targets that the United Nations demanded Italy to achieve within a decade were out of reach for a newborn country that was still struggling with mending the wounds of the Second World War. Hence, there will be in-depth focus on the structural flaws that characterised the establishment of the Italian administration and it mistakes on a social and political level once operational in the country. Secondly, this thesis will analyse the societal structure of Somalia, which is for the vast majority based on clan divisions (Paolo Tripodi 361). The objective of this section to examine how such divisions played a crucial role in combination with the policies implemented by the colonial and post-colonial administrations, which proved to lack any specific knowledge of the “very complex system of clan families” (Richard Dowden 97). Thirdly, this paper will aim at analysing the influence of Siad Barre’s regime, and how the policies he attempted to implement acted as gunpowder for a perfectly mixed explosive machineryShow less
Somalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have...Show moreSomalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have consistently been ranked in the top-5 of the Fragile States Index. Unsurprisingly, the contemporary history of Somalia and Sudan is characterized by chronic insecurity because of recurring civil wars between ethnic, tribal or clan-based groups and their governments. Therefore, the vast majority of international involvement in the Horn of Africa during the last twenty years has been directed at these countries. However, despite this ample attention, the deployed international military forces have thus far been unable to re-establish secure environments and rebuild state structures. Focusing on five distinct military interventions from 1990 to roughly 2010, this inquiry aims to measure the qualitative and quantitative contributions of Security Sector/System Reform (SSR) to the restoration of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. To this end, it addresses e.g. the progress made within Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs. This inquiry then attempts to assess the legitimacy of the post-conflict state reconstruction effort by looking at e.g. the empowerment of civil society representatives and the progress made within community confidence-building measures. In doing so, this inquiry adopts Paul D. Miller’s concept of ‘armed state building’ as a theoretical framework. It therewith argues that – despite a growing number of criticisms – liberal institution-building has since the end of the Cold War remained the prevailing paradigm of state reconstruction efforts. Based on a reading of relevant literature, this inquiry contends that group identities in Somalia and Sudan have become interwoven with relative deprivation between them. The result have been enduring crises of citizenship and legitimacy in the state which continue to feed narratives that help to mobilize groups for violence. This inquiry finds that SSR has managed to increase the capacities of security and justice institutions, albeit in a vacuum. Analyses indicate how the (re)-established state institutions overall have been rather a-contextual, a-historic and frequently paralleled more capable, indigenous mechanisms. Simultaneously, the problems within the state’s legitimacy domain illustrate the complex environments, wherein international military forces e.g. were hampered by their cooperation with problematic local partners. This points to limitations within the military spheres of influence that affect soldiers’ ability to address the ‘root causes’ of conflict. This, in turn, leads to questions of how SSR should otherwise be treated within their activities, and how these armed state building efforts could best be complemented.Show less
