In a world where authoritarian regimes have become increasingly pervasive, digital surveillance has become a primary tool for maintaining control over citizens. Despite the public's awareness of...Show moreIn a world where authoritarian regimes have become increasingly pervasive, digital surveillance has become a primary tool for maintaining control over citizens. Despite the public's awareness of digital surveillance and its potential to limit freedom of expression and assembly, citizens of authoritarian regimes continue to organize and participate in public demonstrations in order to express their grievances. This paper therefore examines the extent to which digital surveillance influences citizens’ participation in public protests in authoritarian regimes, and how citizens cope with the limits imposed by such technologies. Combining existing scholarship with an examination of the case of China and the development of its ‘Golden Shield’, this study contends that digital surveillance succeeds in reducing public participation in demonstrations through creating a ‘chilling effect’ and causing widespread fear of physical retribution. It finds that citizens make use of a variety of strategies to mitigate the risk of digital surveillance through employing creative methods of censorship circumvention and evasion, although the longevity of such methods remains unclear. Process tracing is used to evaluate the key causal mechanisms associated with the developed “Digital Panopticon” theory. The paper concludes by discussing the wider socio-political implications of the findings.Show less
This thesis examines to what extent authoritarianism persists in Chile's intelligence and security services since democratisation in 1990. The scars left by the oppressive regime of Augusto...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent authoritarianism persists in Chile's intelligence and security services since democratisation in 1990. The scars left by the oppressive regime of Augusto Pinochet, and the brutal practices of the DINA and the CNI, continue to impact Chile and its intelligence agencies. The intelligence agencies cannot operate effectively due to the historical legacy of authoritarianism within Chilean intelligence services, this thesis examines which indicators affect the intelligence agencies. Incorporating evidence from literature and polling data, this thesis demonstrates three major factors in how authoritarianism persists in the Chilean intelligence services. This thesis argues that the deep-rooted issues of fear, distrust, polarisation, and their consequential effects present significant obstacles for the intelligence services to function optimally. The influence of the Pinochet era on the intelligence landscape of Chile is profound, as the regime relied heavily on repressive intelligence operations. The transition to democracy marked an important turning point, but the legacy of authoritarianism continues to cast a long shadow over the intelligence services. The trauma experienced during the Pinochet era has engendered fear, a deep lack of trust and polarisation, which negatively influence intelligence services.Show less
“How to respond to climate change and revive the world economy are challenges of our times that we must meet” (Nikkei Asia 2021). These words were part of the written speech that Xi Jinping sent to...Show more“How to respond to climate change and revive the world economy are challenges of our times that we must meet” (Nikkei Asia 2021). These words were part of the written speech that Xi Jinping sent to the World Leaders Summit at the 26th Conference of the Parties in 2021. Climate change is the crux of many countries and their governments all over the world, directly and indirectly affecting not only people and their livelihoods and prospects, but also processes such as economic development and social stability. Especially the Chinese Communist Party, which has underpinned its legitimacy partially with economic growth, is realizing that the quality of its environment needs to be improved if it wants to safeguard its authority and security. A tool that many democratic governments use to streamline their environmental management is public participation, but China as an authoritarian state does not always boast the institutions necessary to guide such activities. Nevertheless, grassroots forms of participation are present, and the Chinese civil society is always assessing the permissible boundaries of its involvement. To ensure the environment is managed in such a way that the desired economic growth is still possible, the Chinese government is experimenting with forms of public participation. Therefore, this thesis looks at how the Chinese government views public participation in environmental governance. Using a comparative analysis of two case studies, it is concluded that the government is appraising new channels of participation in the management and improvement of the country’s environment. Despite this, public participation is still viewed as a threat to the stability of the state's security and is still harshly prohibited.Show less
Since the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the strive for gender equality and female empowerment has gained momentum. Yet, how to achieve gender equality and female empowerment...Show moreSince the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the strive for gender equality and female empowerment has gained momentum. Yet, how to achieve gender equality and female empowerment remains debated – especially in the realm of politics. African countries are increasingly resorting to electoral gender quotas to reach higher female representation in national legislatures. While scholars have analysed the effect of political regime structure on female representation, they have not accounted for the effects of gender quotas. Thus, this thesis assesses the impact of political regime structure on gender quotas in empowering women by comparing authoritarian Rwanda and democratic Senegal. Female empowerment is measured through an in-depth analysis of descriptive, substantive and symbolic female representation. The paper finds that women in both Rwanda and Senegal have become increasingly empowered as a result of gender quotas.Show less
To suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil...Show moreTo suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil society; media control and discrediting groups, and; vague legal grounds. This also affects the Anti-corruption Foundation (FBK) of Alexey Navalny. To stay active within the tightened public space, FBK is using different strategies in reaction to continue their fight against corruption. Those strategies can be seen in a selection in general in the use of internet campaigning; going to the European Court of Human Rights; smart voting; the populist strategy; connecting high officials with corruption; mass demonstrations, and; active use social media.Show less
This thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian...Show moreThis thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian leaders change out-group treatment according to the needs of their stability. It is a within-case study, focused on the Coptic christian minority in Egypt. It traces the treatment of Copts under Sadat and under Mubarak. The thesis found that the biggest need or factor in determining out-group treatment is domestic legitimacy. By bringing various theories on authoritarian regimes and minority treatment together, this thesis proposes the stoking fire theory. By allowing violence to be perpetrated against minority groups, regimes stoke a small fire and keep it burning for a regime's own survival. It is the first step in arguing that low-level violence, perpetrated by state and citizen, is used for strategic purposes, as others have argued for mass violence. The insights in the nexus between the three factors (domestic legitimacy, an out-groups refusal to be co-opted and external support) for out-group treatment can help foreign policy makers in determining finding the best timing to pressure regimes for democratization, if that is truly their pursuit, and when to support an out-group without becoming the topic of rumored ‘evil’ relations between out-group and democratic supporter. More importantly, by understanding how their position is used by autocrats, out-groups may better understand their predicament at a given time. Understanding their behavior and the changing needs of an authoritarian regime, they may be better able to see increased violence coming, giving them the chance to defend themselves against it.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
On 2 May 2008, the South of Myanmar was struck by Cyclone Nargis, which crushed the area, killed around 140,000 people and displaced millions. To look into the political significance of this...Show moreOn 2 May 2008, the South of Myanmar was struck by Cyclone Nargis, which crushed the area, killed around 140,000 people and displaced millions. To look into the political significance of this disastrous event, this research tests the framework of Mark Pelling and Kathleen Dill, which analyses the impact of natural disasters on political systems. Is their theory applicable to the case of Cyclone Nargis and Myanmar? Especially the role of LNGOs and CSOs in this event is emphasized. This thesis draws conclusions on using theory to understand the effects of a natural disaster on a political system. Events like this always have to be studied with regards to the concerning context and it is complex to use a generalist framework as Pelling and Dill propose.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
The presence of Shell in Nigeria has been a prominent feature in the international news media, due to Shell's alleged negative influence on the country's environment, society and political leaders....Show moreThe presence of Shell in Nigeria has been a prominent feature in the international news media, due to Shell's alleged negative influence on the country's environment, society and political leaders. This thesis aims to investigate how the presence and activities of Shell influence the behaviour of Nigeria's political elite by focussing on the bad norms of corruption and authoritarianism. Based on a number of middle range theories, it can be concluded that there is a negative relationship between Shell and Nigeria's leaders when it comes to corruption, but that the company is not responsible for the persistence of authoritarianism in the country.Show less
