In this thesis the role of the concept of oligarchy is explored in relation to Brexit. News media articles are analysed to understand how the fear of oligarchic take-over for democracy was utilised...Show moreIn this thesis the role of the concept of oligarchy is explored in relation to Brexit. News media articles are analysed to understand how the fear of oligarchic take-over for democracy was utilised within the news before, during and after the Brexit vote in the UK. It is concluded that a strong discourse of oligarchic takeover of UK democracy was pervasive and drawn up by all sides of the Brexit debate and by all news outlets, regardless of their political allegiances. Notwithstanding some changes over the period between 2015-2023, a key finding is that the discourse of elites, and of oligarchic takeover of the UK, was in no way quelled by the Brexit referendum outcome.Show less
The outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European...Show moreThe outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European Union corresponds with a ‘No’ vote. This thesis takes the analysis of the role of Eurosceptic voting a step further by using more explanatory models of Euroscepticism, giving insight on not only the relationship with Euroscepticism as a linear factor, but also as a multi-dimensional concept and a benchmark concept. With these models, this thesis shows that perceived utility of the EU - separate from trust in the EU - is an important factor that influenced the outcome of this Ukraine referendum. Beyond this, it shows that the referendum voters’ average trust in the EU’s policy and regime is lower than their trust in the national policy and regime. This leads to the conclusion that the Dutch voters have sent a message to The Hague and Brussels that they must put more effort in showing the Netherlands’ benefits through EU membership, for lack of confidence in the EU’s utility has been a key element in not accepting this international association agreement. On a methodological level, this thesis aims to contribute to a new research method predicated on the idea of ‘average towns’ because its data is collected based on the comparability of the municipality of Heemskerk with the Netherlands as a whole, in both demographics and voting outcomes.Show less
This thesis is concerned with the behaviour of Eurosceptic parties, especially in light of Eurosceptic success. Specifically studying the Eurosceptic response to Brexit, this thesis conducts a case...Show moreThis thesis is concerned with the behaviour of Eurosceptic parties, especially in light of Eurosceptic success. Specifically studying the Eurosceptic response to Brexit, this thesis conducts a case study of three Dutch Soft Eurosceptic parties and their rhetoric and behaviour in the years after the Brexit vote. The results of this qualitative content analysis are mixed, with every party analysed showing different results. Overall, though, it seems that a party’s ideological orientation has more of a role in determining its response to Brexit than its Eurosceptic identity. This conclusion adds to doubts, previously articulated by other scholars, concerning the strength of classifying a party as Soft Eurosceptic. This thesis therefore calls for a renewed focus on national case studies in future research in order to expand our knowledge on what shapes Eurosceptic (parties’) behaviour.Show less
Anaylsis of speeches given by leaders of the UK Conservative Party leaders during Britain's time in the European Union. Explaining how they contributed to the discourse of sovereignism that defined...Show moreAnaylsis of speeches given by leaders of the UK Conservative Party leaders during Britain's time in the European Union. Explaining how they contributed to the discourse of sovereignism that defined much of the leave campaign in the 2016 Brexit referendum.Show less
The UK Conservative Party transitioned from a party that sought closer relations with the European continent, to a party that sought to leave the EU. This change in policy was caused by a change...Show moreThe UK Conservative Party transitioned from a party that sought closer relations with the European continent, to a party that sought to leave the EU. This change in policy was caused by a change within the dominant faction of the UK Conservative Party. The neoliberal faction of the party was replaced by the nationalist faction within the party over time. This process was sped up by the increasingly nationalist rhetoric of Thatcher, a lack of decisive neoliberal leadership following her premiership, and external electoral pressures such as the rise of UKIP. When Cameron was elected leader of the Conservative Party and sought to return to neoliberalism, the party had already reached a tipping point, and he was forced to grant concessions to rebellious backbench EMPs, further emboldening the nationalist faction. Eventually, the party resorted to holding the 'in-or-out' Brexit referendum that started the departure of the UK from the EU.Show less
When making decisions, people often make use of short-cuts to facilitate this process. This can lead to systematic errors and biases, leading to sub-optimal decisions and sometimes irrational...Show moreWhen making decisions, people often make use of short-cuts to facilitate this process. This can lead to systematic errors and biases, leading to sub-optimal decisions and sometimes irrational decision making. These biases can be correlated to the phenomenon of post-truth, where influencing emotions is the focus when presenting information, rather than actual facts. This paper investigates the correlation between several cognitive biases and post-truth, applied to case studies on Brexit and Donald Trump. It concludes that biases such as motivated reasoning, system 1 and 2 thinking and the availability bias, can reinforce or facilitate post-truth, and that we can see this correlation play out in both case studies.Show less
This thesis analyses how Brexit and its causes and consequences are reflected in three contemporary English novels. Scholars such as Anderson, Said and Leerssen have shown that national and...Show moreThis thesis analyses how Brexit and its causes and consequences are reflected in three contemporary English novels. Scholars such as Anderson, Said and Leerssen have shown that national and cultural identities are constructions. A decisive moment such as the outcome of the Brexit referendum shows how people have different constructions with regard to their common nation. This thesis explores what is distinct about English identity and shows the fragmented way in which it is formed. The chosen novels explore how these constructions influence both individuals and relationships. Anthony Cartwright’s The Cut, Amanda Craig’s The Lie of the Land, and Jonathan Coe’s Middle England show how people are confronted with the fact that they have been imagining their nation in fundamentally different ways than their fellow countrymen. The analysis shows that fragmentation and imagination have been key factors in the Brexit process.Show less
The UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member...Show moreThe UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member states. This thesis examines Ireland's vulnerabilities with the implications of a possible return of a hard border in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines how Ireland has managed to get the issue of the Irish border as a top priority on the EU agenda in the context of the Brexit negotiations. This is achieved using agenda-setting theory and examining the Irish Government use of framing the border issue to EU counterparts. The thesis finds that the Irish Government was extremely proactive, organized and consistent with discourse which resonated with the values of the EU. This discourse was used at a high politics level by Irish politicians in their engagement with officials of EU intuitions and member states. This persistent engagement and discourse with the EU was instrumental in turning the Irish border into a priority for the EU in the Brexit negotiations.Show less
Na het Britse referendum op 23 juni 2016, waarbij voor een vertrek uit de Europese Unie werd gekozen, steeg de populariteit van eurosceptische en nationalistische partijen in verschillende Europese...Show moreNa het Britse referendum op 23 juni 2016, waarbij voor een vertrek uit de Europese Unie werd gekozen, steeg de populariteit van eurosceptische en nationalistische partijen in verschillende Europese landen. Met verkiezingen in Nederland, Frankrijk, Duitsland en Oostenrijk op de agenda, hielden veel Europese media rekening met een verdere desintegratie van de Europese Unie. Maar het tegenovergestelde gebeurde: in de vier landen werden (relatief) pro-Europese regeringen samengesteld, die niet de ambitie hadden de EU te verlaten. In Duitsland en Frankrijk – twee invloedrijke lidstaten – spraken de leiders de wens uit voor meer Europese politieke en financiële integratie. De kanteling van politieke en publieke steun voor Europese samenwerking kan te maken hebben met de wijze waarop deze processen zijn beschreven in de media. Voor Europese burgers zijn traditionele media (radio, televisie en kranten) de belangrijkste bron voor informatie over Europese politieke actualiteit. Na het Brexit-referendum en uitverkiezing van Donald Trump tot Amerikaanse president, woedde in het Nederlandse medialandschap een discussie over de vele journalisten die beide ontwikkelingen niet zagen aankomen. Hoewel de debatten ook op krantenredacties werden gevoerd, is er geen wetenschappelijk onderzoek gedaan naar de inhoudelijke wijze waarop journalisten de fluctuerende maatschappelijke gebeurtenissen hebben beschreven. Dit onderzoek concentreert zich mede daarom op de vraag hoe twee invloedrijke Nederlandse dagbladen – NRC Handelsblad en de Volkskrant – de journalistieke berichtgeving over Europese politiek hebben vormgegeven en gepresenteerd. Op basis van relevante theorieën over framing en de issue-ownershiptheorie is voor een deductieve onderzoeksmethode gekozen, waarmee de volgende onderzoeksvraag is beantwoord. In hoeverre zijn er dominante frames geïdentificeerd en overheersende aandacht aangetoond voor specifieke partijpolitieke standpunten over Europese integratie in de journalistieke informatievoorziening van de Volkskrant en NRC Handelsblad tussen juni 2016 en maart 2018? Met een kwantitatieve inhoudsanalyse is onderzocht in hoeverre er frames te identificeren zijn in de artikelen. Kwantitatief is het aantal frames gemeten, kwalitatief is gekeken welke frames er inhoudelijk te identificeren zijn; dit is onderzocht op basis van een bestaand analysemodel dat eerder frames onderzocht in artikelen over Europese integratie. Uit die analyse blijkt dat in het grootste deel van de artikelen – 65,2% - in beide kranten geen frames zijn geïdentificeerd. Dat betekent dat in 34,8% van het totale corpus wel frames zijn geïdentificeerd. In NRC Handelsblad zijn meer frames geïdentificeerd dan in de Volkskrant, in absolute en relatieve context. De meest voorkomende frames zijn het conflictframe in NRC Handelsblad (39,4%). In de Volkskrant werd het verantwoordelijkheidsframe het vaakst geïdentificeerd (30,3%). In beide dagbladen kwam het economische gevolgenframe daarna het vaakst voor. Politiekinhoudelijk geeft het conflictframe relatief negatieve berichtgeving over Europese integratie weer; het economische gevolgenframe is neutraal en het verantwoordelijkheidsframe relatief positief. NRC Handelsblad schreef dus overwegend negatiever over Europese integratie dan de Volkskrant. Naast een inhoudelijke analyse is ook onderzocht hoeveel aandacht er was voor het standpunt omtrent Europese integratie van Nederlandse politieke partijen. In de artikelen is gemeten hoevaak bepaalde standpunten worden geciteerd of beschreven. In NRC Handelsblad werd meer ruimte vrijgemaakt voor de ‘Europese’ standpunten van Nederlandse partijen dan in de Volkskrant. In laatstgenoemde krant werden slechts vijf keer aandacht besteed aan de Europese standpunten. Liefst 56 keer werd een Nederlandse partij in NRC geciteerd of beschreven over zijn EU-standpunt. Politiekinhoudelijk kregen de partijen die selectieve Europese integratie (op bepaalde beleidsterreinen samenwerken, op andere nationale soevereiniteit) nastreven, de meeste aandacht en werd dit standpunt 23 keer genoemd. De grootste tegenhangers – federalisten en aanhangers van natiestaten – werden respectievelijk 11 en 10 keer genoemd. Er kan worden gesproken van een inhoudelijke balans, waarbij de journalistiek van NRC Handelsblad relatief politiek-neutraal was: de lezer werd niet unaniem richting één partij, denkrichting of ideologie genavigeerd door de krant. Datzelfde kan worden geconcludeerd over de Volkskrant.Show less
This thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken...Show moreThis thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken place between the 1975 an 2016 referendum.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
On June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum,...Show moreOn June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum, those in favor of Brexit faced off those that fought to maintain the status quo. Among the many issues debated, sovereignty emerged as heavily contested. This thesis attempts to shed some light on the competing concepts of sovereignty that were used by the two camps by analyzing the discourses of left- and right-wing newspapers in the UK. After performing a discourse analysis of 90 articles that these newspapers published during the runup to the referendum, this thesis concludes that right-wing newspapers view sovereignty as an indivisible, high-value concept that should be held by a national, democratically elected government. By contrast, left-wing newspapers view it as having various degrees, which makes them more willing to cede some of it, if this benefits the nation. Academically, the thesis draws on existing literature about sovereignty and the British understanding of it, expanding on this literature especially through the insights on the British left-wing newspapers’ discourse. Moreover, it seeks to stimulate public debate on sovereignty by drawing attention to these newspapers’ less absolute, more cooperative perspective of the concept.Show less
This thesis aims to explore the link between the individual and the social structures to which they belong. By exploring the subject of Solidarity as a word and a concept used by politicians of...Show moreThis thesis aims to explore the link between the individual and the social structures to which they belong. By exploring the subject of Solidarity as a word and a concept used by politicians of both persuasions and cemented in various legal systems, we aim to form an understanding of difficulties which may emerge from structures both physically and organizationally distant from the individual.Show less
The thesis researches the question of how people came to vote in favor of leaving the European Union during the 2016 referendum on the UK's EU membership. It critically assess one of the main...Show moreThe thesis researches the question of how people came to vote in favor of leaving the European Union during the 2016 referendum on the UK's EU membership. It critically assess one of the main explanations for public Euroscepticism: the identity approach. The authors argues that this approach is too static and doesn't fully explain the mechanisms and dynamics behind the Leave vote due to a over-reliance on qualitative methods and four theoretical misconceptions within the approach. Based upon a qualitative research strategy, and a case study involving Leave voters in England, the author argues that a wider theoretical framework, including the cultural schema of people, the public mood in the country and the opportunity for change theory, could help us to understand the mechanisms leading to the meanings and beliefs that underlie the 2016 Leave vote.Show less
In this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect...Show moreIn this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect the course of the integration process of this policy area. The first facet is the institutional change Brexit will bring about. The second facet is the cultural difference between the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, which is enhanced by the election of Donald Trump as president of the US. The last facet is the geopolitical security dilemma that is imposed on the EU by Russia. In this research the impact of these three developments on the integration process of the EU’s security and defence policy will be analysed.Show less
This thesis examines the effects that the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union could have for personal data protection and handling. In particular it investigates how the EU General...Show moreThis thesis examines the effects that the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union could have for personal data protection and handling. In particular it investigates how the EU General Data Protection Regulation introduced in May 2018 will be implemented into a post-Brexit United Kingdom.Show less
